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The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality
Introduction
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the island of Cuba was in the process of emerging from a Spanish colony to an independent nation. Freedom from Spain, however, was not the only struggle that Cuba was experiencing at this time. After having been oppressed by slavery for several centuries, Afro-Cubans, who had joined the fight for independence in large numbers, were demanding equality in Cuban society. Nevertheless, whites, especially in the elite, continued to initiate discriminatory practices against them. As a last resort, Afro-Cubans staged an armed protest in response to the outlawing of their political party in 1912. Although valiant, the attempt was nonetheless a failure because it did not succeed in establishing racial equality in Cuba. Rather, it tragically resulted in the massacre of thousands of Afro-Cuban protesters by Cuban whites.
Discussion
As was the case throughout the Americas, white racism against blacks and mulattos was deeply rooted in Cuban society. Prejudice and discrimination against Afro-Cubans continued to increase after the abolition of slavery in 1886. Whites, particularly those in the upper classes, viewed blacks and mulattos as belonging to an inferior race that was unworthy of the same rights and privileges that they themselves enjoyed in society. Education, entertainment, and employment were some of the areas in which Afro-Cubans suffered significant discrimination. They were often denied acceptance into private schools, given separate accommodations in theaters and other entertainment establishments, refused service by many restaurants, and were usually unable to obtain employment in professional and skille...
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...test as a last resort to bring about its restoration. Nevertheless, it resulted in failure when Afro-Cubans were massacred by the thousands.
Conclusion
The massacre of 1912 demonstrated that there remained to be seen true racial equality in Cuba. Although the wars of independence had brought about some improvements in race relations, such as the fraternity shared between the races when fighting together against Spain, and the recognition of some Afro-Cubans as outstanding military leaders, the nation’s black and mulatto populations remained for the most part at the lower levels of society. Without politicians who would support their interests, Afro-Cubans would continue to be without equal opportunities in Cuba.
Works Cited
Helg, Aline. Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995.
In 1898, three big events got in the way of any peaceful resolution in Cuba. The New York Journal received a letter from the Spanish minister in Washington, Enrique Dupuy de Lo...
Within Aline Helg’s book titled, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912, she includes many historical events that serve as a foundation for her arguments in order to emphasize the "black struggle for equality" starting in the late 19th century and according to her, still transpiring today. These events are, the formation of the first black independent political party called the, Partido Independiente de Color (146), the United States’ role during intervention and the black struggle to overcome the system of racial hierarchies that had developed in Cuba. Blacks had to fight for equality while simultaneously being, "…accused of racism and antinationalism". (145) According to Helg, this placed an undue burden on the black groups that were organizing to demand their "rightful share" because it made divided the goals of their plight into many different facets, thus yielding a lack of unity necessary for their success. During the United States’ intervention, Cuban nationalism as a whole was threatened which also served to downplay the importance of demands being made by the Partido’s leader, Estenoz. The United States displayed a greater concern on the affirmation of its power as an international police, rather than allying its resources to help the indignant and discriminated Afro-Cubans. All of these circumstances illustrate the extremities of the political and social institutions that the Afro-Cubans attempted to defeat but could not. They also exemplify the perpetuation of the black struggle, and how it affected and continues to affect the lives of Afro-Cubans in present-day Cuba.
The Afro-Cuban struggle for equality essentially began after the emancipation of the slaves in 1886. This struggle would continue until 1912, when a brutal government massacre ended their hopes of real equality. The Afro-Cuban struggle for equality was a key issue in Cuba’s fight for independence, as well as, Cuba’s fight to find its identity and character.
[10] “Havana’s Policy in Africa, 1959-76: New Evidence from the Cuban Archives” by Piero Gleijeses, CWIHP Document Library.
Warren, Roger. Shakespeare Survey 30. N.p.: n.p., 1977. Pp. 177-78. Rpt. in Shakespeare in the Theatre: An Anthology of Criticism. Stanley Wells, ed. England: Oxford University Press, 2000.
1. The Cuban Revolution was supposed to install a Marxist paradise, lifting all citizens to the same strata and abolishing traditional separations based on class, gender and race. In this brave new utopia, all bodies, regardless of skin tone, would work together to build a prosperous nation, in which all had an equal stake. In reality, however, the revolution was almost immediately co-opted by what Sawyer describes as the Creole elite. Cuba had had a long history of tense racial relations and despite the massive social and economic upheaval brought on by the revolution, this entrenched racism was not erased by the waving of the red flag, only obscured by it.
Warren, Roger. Shakespeare Survey 30. N.p.: n.p., 1977. Pp. 177-78. Rpt. in Shakespeare in the Theatre: An Anthology of Criticism. Stanley Wells, ed. England: Oxford University Press, 2000.
In the past, rafts teeming with Cuban refugees have routinely floated to American shores in order to escape the brutal and oppressive Castro regime. Haitians arriving in the same manner were turned away because their plight did not involve politics but poverty. Semantics aside, it is hard not to wonder if skin color played a role in their expulsion. Furthermore, though Haiti’s government is not classified as communist, the policies and actions of of its officials can arguably be considered equally as
The specter of colonial repression, imposed by the institutions of slavery and the plantation system, has incessantly haunted Cuban society, culture, politics, and ideology. The legacies of slavery and the plantation system imposed a structural and systematic practice of racial discrimination against Afro-Cubans, which suppressed any ambition for the pursuit of liberty and equality. Despite Cuba’s abolition of slavery in 1886 and its winning of independence in 1902, Afro-Cubans remained destitute, marginalized, and in the periphery of political autonomy within Cuban society. Thus, the origins of Cuba’s disdainful race relations emerge during the Spanish colonial tenure in Cuba.
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From Slavery to Freedom: African in the Americas. (2007). Association for the Study of African American Life and History. Retrieved October 7, 2007 from Web site: http://www.asalh.org/
Karenga, Malauna. Introduction to Black Studies. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press Third Edition, 2002.