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Realism vs liberalism international relations
Realism vs liberalism international relations
Realism vs liberalism international relations
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The Syrian Civil War poses many important geopolitical issues, such as what to do about the Syrian government’s alleged use of chemical weapons, the fate of millions of displaced people and refugees and the appropriate role of the “international community” in resolving and preventing such conflicts. This paper delivers analysis of the history of the Syria and the civil conflict, geographical context, the current global system and conflict resolution in the context of progressive and critical geopolitical approaches presented by Dodds and Kearns. Synthesis reveals that the approach of critical and progressive geopolitics is sufficient to dissect the issues posed by the Syrian Civil War. However, in practice, it is impossible to avoid falling into the trap of what Donna Haraway describes as perpetuating cultural narratives.
Feminist scholar Donna Haraway points out that, through the lens of realism, historic studies of the global system have created certain narratives about international politics that are clearly more important than others. Our current political-ideological construction is presented with undertones of realism that Western Liberal Democracies were founded on and heavily influences our perspective on global issues. The threefold division of critical geopolitics attempts to unravel these constructions. Practical geopolitics refers to the “policy-oriented geographical templates used by political leaders such as President Bush as they represent global politics (Kearns, 2009).” Formal geopolitics is concerned with how intellectuals identify American realism in statecraft. Popular geopolitics considers the ways in which the everyday citizen makes sense of geopolitical issues produced and reproduced through popular c...
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...s the Taliban to eject American and Western military and is not sufficient to provide a peaceful, cultural and ethnic sensitive resolution.
Works Cited
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Donnelly, J. (2005) Universal Human Rights in the Theory and Practice. New Delhi: Manas in Collaboration with Cornell UP. Print.
Kearns, G. (2009) "Progressive Geopolitics." Geopolitics and Empire: The Legacy of Halford Mackinder. Oxford: Oxford University. Print.
Statistics Canada. 2011. 2011 Census Profiles File/Profile of Census Tracts. CHASS. Version Updated 2011. Toronto. http://dc1.chass.utoronto.ca.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/cgi-bin/census/2011/retrieveCensus.cgi (accessed April 2nd, 2005).
Edkins, Jenny, and Maja Zehfuss. Global Politics: A New Introduction. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2009. Print.
Tarrow, Sidney. “Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics.” Annual Review of Political Science, 2001.4.
SUMMARY: The Syrian Civil War between the Syrian government, and the insurgents, as well as the Free Syrian Army has been escalating since early 2011. The United States, and our allies have faced difficulty in sending aid to Syria, and continue to deal with obstacles in sending even basic medications to Syrian civilians. However, the United States and its allies have also contributed to the lack of organization and the disparity in Syria by sending aid and artillery to individuals based only on political connection, and ignoring organization, local alliances, and without a true understanding of the reality of the Syrian localities to best protect the Syrian protestors. The question addressed in this memo will be defining the viable options to be pursued in Syria, how to pursue them, and assessing the most beneficial path of least resistance when offering aid, funds, and artillery to specific groups in the country. The recommendation will be that although the best alternative action item would be to choose a Syrian group with the least oppositional values comparative to the United States to fund, supply with arms, and train; that the United States should do nothing for the time being. Given the physical and financial risk involved with the Syrian Civil War, it would be prudent for the United States to simply observe how the war progresses over the next several months, as well as complete some research to truly understand the state of affairs in local areas of Syria to determine the extent to which the United States could identify a group to provide aid to, as well as the extent to which the United States involvement would be within Syria.
An attack on the Syrian state would fall within the boundaries of the international concept of the responsibility to protect. The crisis in Syria has escalated by protests in March 2011 calling for the release of all political prisoners. National security forces responded to widespread peaceful demonstrations with the use of brutal violence. The Syrian President Bashar al-Assad refused to stop attacks and allow for implementation of the reforms requested by the demonstrators. By July 2011, firsthand accounts emerged from witnesses, victims, and the media that government forces had subjected innocent civilians to detention, torture, and the use of heavy weaponry. The Syrian people were also subjected to the Shabiha, a largely armed state sponsored militia fighting with security forces. Al-Assad continually denied responsibility to these crimes and placed blame on the armed groups and terrorists for these actions.
Lawson, Fred H. "Syria." Politics & society in the contemporary Middle East. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010. 411 - 434. Print.
Unfortunately for the citizens of countries like Syria, the rules enforced in the international sector are set by western nations to the benefit of western nations. This is evidenced, for example, following the Washington consensus policies instituted by western nations for the developing world, “The Washington Consensus era is often considered the “lost decade” of development, with increases in acute poverty, urban migrations, environmental degradation, increased militarization” (Lecture, 10/11/16). The west may claim that it has the best interest in aiding the developing countries growth, but empirical evidence shows that western nations will support a leader that is hostile towards improvements within their borders. Humanitarian Imperialism details the shift of humanitarian assistance in favor of western interests, “The new humanitarianism involve[d] a shift in the centre of gravity of policy away from saving lives to supporting social processes and political outcomes” (Bush 313). Although the Syrian president had been abusing human rights, the democratic process, and economic opportunity, his business friendly policies kept him in good graces with the west (Leber). The push on behalf of western nations for an integrated global economy creates a vacuum of human rights, leaving developing nations wrought with domestic
Richard Ashley , “Geopolitics of Geopolitical Space: Toward a Critical Social Theory of International Politics”, Alternatives Vol. 12, No. 4 (October 1987), pp.403-434
On December 10th in 1948, the general assembly adopted a Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This declaration, although not legally binding, created “a common standard of achievement of all people and all nations…to promote respect for those rights and freedoms” (Goodhart, 379). However, many cultures assert that the human rights policies outlined in the declaration undermine cultural beliefs and practices. This assertion makes the search for universal human rights very difficult to achieve. I would like to focus on articles 3, 14 and 25 to address how these articles could be modified to incorporate cultural differences, without completely undermining the search for human rights practices.
Realism is one of the important perspectives on global politics, it is a notion about the conservative society and political philosophy (Heywood 2011: 54; Shimko 2013: 36). Besides, Gilpin (1996) claims that “realism…, it is not a scientific theory that is subject to the test of falsifiability, therefore, cannot be proved and disproved.” (Frankel 1996: xiii). The components of the realist approach to international relations will be discussed.
The doctrine of human rights were created to protect every single human regardless of race, gender, sex, nationality, sexual orientation and other differences. It is based on human dignity and the belief that no one has the right to take this away from another human being. The doctrine states that every ‘man’ has inalienable rights of equality, but is this true? Are human rights universal? Whether human rights are universal has been debated for decades. There have been individuals and even countries that oppose the idea that human rights are for everybody. This argument shall be investigated in this essay, by: exploring definitions and history on human rights, debating on whether it is universal while providing examples and background information while supporting my hypothesis that human rights should be based on particular cultural values and finally drawing a conclusion.
The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself others have been imported, in whole or in part, from disciplines such as economics or sociology. Indeed, few social scientific theories have not been applied to the study of relations amongst nations. Many theories of international relations are internally and externally contested, and few scholars believe only in one or another. In spite of this diversity, several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize on military power, material interests, or ideological beliefs. International Relations thinking have evolved in stages that are marked by specific debates between groups of scholars. The first major debate is between utopian liberalism and realism, the second debate is on method, between traditional approaches and behavioralism. The third debate is between neorealism/neoliberalism and neo-Marxism, and an emerging fourth debate is between established traditions and post-positivist alternatives (Jackson, 2007).
The role that globalization plays in spreading and promoting human rights and democracy is a subject that is capable spurring great debate. Human rights are to be seen as the standards that gives any human walking the earth regardless of any differences equal privileges. The United Nations goes a step further and defines human rights as,
Feminist perspectives began to enter the discipline of international relations since the end of the Cold War, gaining increasing recognition. However, the voice of women is still scarce within the discipline, especially in the US and the West where mainstream international relations theories such as neorealism and neoliberalism still dominate. This essay will postulate that Tickner’s aim is not to make classical realism into a straw man, but instead that her critique of Morgenthau is apt because what she strives to do is to offer a feminist perspective to the field of IR to make it more accessible to women practitioners and scholars. Moreover, Tickner’s main contention throughout is that she does not view Morgenthau’s political realism as incorrect and invalid through the way in which he depicts the international system, but believes that he only offers a partial account of international politics because its assumptions of human nature favours the male perspective. A female perspective is required to make this account whole. To do so, this essay will discuss why international politics is male-dominated. Furthermore, it will analyse how Tickner critiques Morgenthau’s political realism and discuss briefly why she chooses to use Morgenthau to highlight the relative lack of feminist approaches within the discipline. This essay will come to the conclusion that Tickner’s critique of Morgenthau is useful and apt because it promotes the incorporation of feminist approaches, allowing for multiple perspectives especially within the dominant fields of international relations and consequently, allows us to have a better understanding of the international system. Her critique hardly invalidates or defeats Morgenthau’s teachings but merely ...
Weber, Smith, Allan, Collins, Morgan and Entshami.2002. Foreign Policy in a transformed world. United Kingdom: Pearson Education Limited.