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Relevance of international organization
Relevance of international organization
The importance of international cooperation
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The neorealism theory argues that IOs are and will be essentially ineffective, as they cannot prevent sovereignty states pursue self-interests and engaging in power politics. Keohane and Martin argue that “institutions are created simply in response to state interests, and that their character is structured by the prevailing distribution of capabilities.” (Keohane and Martin: 1995: 47). John Mearsheimer doesn 't entirely agree with this theory, arguing that IOs only have marginal power, giving way to the arena of power politics among states, making themselves a reflection of the distribution of power in the international relations. (Mearsheimer: 2004: 13) Mearsheimer challenge Keohane and Martin’s theory by claiming that IOs could only contribute …show more content…
Although UN faces myriad challenges when get states together to follow UN’s norms and “blueprints”, it becomes progressively geared towards its ‘utopian’ goal ,during the time that the UN struggle to coordinate the states’ action and keep the international community in peace. Neo-liberalists are also argued that the international organisations like UN represent a liberal self-understanding and a liberal vision of the role which has shaped the international order in terms of decolonisation, human rights, environmental protection and international law. Neo-liberalists highlighted the significance of the cooperation between UN and regional organizations, as these regional organisations become inseparable in the process of international diplomatic predicting, “the international community will increasingly direct itself towards combined action of the universal Organization with regional bodies.” (Cassese: 2005: 338) This Link can be found between the UN and other regional organizations such as the European Union, Association of South East Asian Nations, the African Union, the Arab League and so on. This is widely regarded by neon-liberalists as they believe IOs are able to reformulate the behaviour of States. It is also proved the failure of neorealism that who underestimate the utility and wide influence of international organizations,. Further discussion about their motivations to how IOs influence States conduct by both promoting cooperation amongst members whilst at the same time putting the leash on those with non-cooperative behaviours, like trade sanctions. Navari argue that once cooperation amongst States is institutionalised, States would be cautious to leave it, because they fear of the uncertain consequences. (Navari: 2009: 39) European Union is a good example, as once European countries take part in the formal membership they have been
International organizations such as NATO and the UN are essential not only for global peace, but also as a place where middle powers can exert their influence. It is understandable that since the inception of such organizations that many crises have been averted, resolved, or dealt with in some way thro...
By definition neo-liberalism is “a reinterpretation of liberalism that posits that even in an anarchic international system, states will cooperate because of their continuous interactions with each other and because it is in their self-interest to do so; institutions provide the framework for cooperative interactions.” (Mingst, 2011) The theory (neo-liberalism) relies on the prisoner’s dilemma, the initiation and use of institutions, and the common interest of one’s self to gain power and/ or advance without hurting themselves.
Italian Neorealism, a movement that focused on the arts began in 19th century post war Italy and “became the repository of partisan hopes for social justice in the post war italian state.” (Marcus, xiv) Even before the war, Italy had been under the dictatorship of Benito Mussolini and his corrupt form of government, Fascism, which caused oppression throughout the country. Neorealistic films allowed filmmakers to use common styles and techniques to finally reveal the world filled with anguish and misery that Mussolini had created. These films allowed the rebirth of Italy with the new ideals of freedom and social order. Some directors choose to add melodramatic elements to their neorealistic film which goes against Neorealism’s goal to project the Italy in its real form. However, although Rome Open City by Roberto Rossellini and Bitter Rice by DeSantis have classic hollywood narrative characteristics, the portrayal of women and children represent neorealist principles that help us further understand the struggles and conflicts of women and children during post-war Italy.
Mearsheimer J. J. (2010). Structural Realism. International Relations Thoeries, Discipline and Diversity (Second Edition), p.77-94
The history of the US’s relationship with the UN is complex, seeming to vacillate between warm cooperation and abject disdain as the national interests of the US and the rest of the world, and the short- and long-term interests of the US itself, align or oppose each other. The UN was originally the vision of US president Franklin Roosevelt and the product of US State Department planning and diplomacy. It was designed to forward the national interests of its strongest members, the P-5, to reflect and channel the geopolitical power structure rather than twist it into an unnatural and unsustainable hierarchy of weak nations trying to dominate strong. Because the Charter is based in a realist view of the world, during the Cold War, when the national interests of the two world powers diverged, the UN was paralyzed to deal with any of the world’s conflicts. When the Cold War ended it gave rise to the first war that should have been authorized by the Security Council—the Persian Gulf War from later 1990 to early 1991. Many hoped for a “new world order” after the success of the Gulf War, but the interests of the US and the rest of the world, primarily the rest of the members of the Security Council, soon divided again. Today, the world is still struggling to cope with the blow dealt to the UN by the US’s use of force in Iraq, including the US, which has not even begun to feel the long-term negative effects of its unilateralism. However, the war in Iraq could have been less detrimental to the UN and the US in particular, and by extension to the rest of the world, if the US had argued that it was acting to uphold resolution 1441 under the authorization of the Security Cou...
From the realist point of view, the international political system is considered as anarchic. There is a lack of external authority among states that ensures peace, stability and balance of power. In the analyzed document, the author's main thesis states that changes of the system would alter the international political system. However, changes within the system will maintain its anarchism. In order to support his thesis, the author replies to liberal critics, who consider the neorealism as obsolete taking into account three important arguments against the neorealism.
Schmidt, B. C. (2007). Realism and facets of power in international relations. In F. Berenskoetter & M. J. D. Williams (Eds.), Power in world politics (pp. 43-63). London: Routledge.
He argued that greater interdependence in the form of transnational ties between states may follow peace. Mitrany believed that cooperation shouldn’t be organized by politicians but by technical experts. These experts would sort out solutions to common problem in many functional areas such as transport, finance, communication and so on. 2 Both functionalism and neo-functionalism are based upon the view that integration precedes best by working from areas of mutual and overlapping interest. But neo-functionalism is different from functionalism in a number of important variants. First of all, it is a theory of regional rather than global integration. And secondly, neo-functionalists have been much more aware in institution shaping than were the original
Rulers of countries are constrained by the system as a manifestation of the state in which they operate but also have a degree of autonomy as individuals. The quote "In the international environment rulers constantly scan for resources material and ideologies, that will enhance their ability to stay in power and promote the interests of their supporters. Rulers are calculators, not agents manifesting some deeper international institutional structure although they may be firmly embedded in the in well-established domestic arrangements". This quote discusses some of the limitations rulers operate under, and represents much of the realist argument of how the international system works.
Wendt, A. (1992). “Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization, 46(2), pp. 391-425.
...ous situations, possibly because these studies have attributed motive and action to the states rather than to the decision-makers within them. Thus, foreign relations and policies can truly be strengthened when people can view and truly appreciate international issue in many different perspectives, such as realist, idealist, liberalist, constructivism, feminist, world economic system analysis, etc. When people are able to see issues and solutions to problems in many different ways world peace might be reachable.
This essay will describe the characteristics of the modern nation-state, explain how the United States fits the criteria of and functions as a modern nation-state, discuss the European Union as a transnational entity, analyze how nation-states and transnational entities engage on foreign policy to achieve their interests, and the consequences of this interaction for international politics.
In the article “Does ASEAN Matter? International Relations Theories, Institutional Realism and ASEAN” the author, Kai He asserts that mainstream international relations theories that have assessed ASEAN overlook the value of the institution. He concludes that institutional realism best explains why ASEAN is still an important multilateral institution in the region. The article is a response to the fact that mainstream international relations theories have been unable to effectively explain and predict the role or importance of ASEAN within Southeast Asia. He develops his argument by firstly looking at ASEAN from a framework of neorealism, neoliberalism, and constructivism. He compares and evaluates each of the three theories and argues that each one has limitations to explaining whether ASEAN matters. Consequently, the author saw the need to use a less well-known theory such as Institutional Realism to more accurately analyse the importance of the institution and from this he provides recommendations on how to further consolidate power within ASEAN.
There are three main arguments concerning the discussion over the amount of power regimes have in the international system. The neo-realist argument is the first one where regimes are not merely considered as inadequate, but sometimes deceptive. This perspective is regarded as conventional structural. Keohane and Stein support the second argument, which states that regimes have certain worth, but only under particular conditions. Finally, the Grotian argument perceives regimes as an essential, secondary phenomenon feature of human nature. The connection of international and domestic stakeholders, through benefits, influence, standards, societies, and knowledge lead to the likely development of regimes.
The discipline of international relations (IR) contains several theories that contain theoretical perspectives to the idea of power. Within the realist perspective there are two approaches that help paint the portrait of the realist theory, the classical approach to realism and the neo-realist approach. Classical realism and neorealism both have been subjected to criticism from IR scholars and theorists representing liberal and constructivist perspectives. The key tenets to realism contain three essential characteristics of international relations which are the state, anarchy and the balance of power. This essay will closely analyse all three characteristics with special regards to power being central to the realist perspective.