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In his memoirs, published in 1993 and only two years before the second referendum in 1995, Trudeau states: "Separatism died in 1976, but its funeral was the referendum of 1980." This would come to be reflective of many Trudeau 's policies; where he would implement them based on ideology, be faced with public backlash, and then be forced to revise his policies based on pragmatism. This mixture of ideology and pragmatism is also reflected James and Robert Laxer 's, The Liberal Idea of Canada. This work was written during Pierre Trudeau 's second term in 1977, the Laxers ' focus less on Trudeau and more on the federal Liberal Party. In this sense this work is unique in the fact that it seems to be written for political scientists or political …show more content…
However, it is at this point where the traditional political narrative ends. Although Newman 's work was first published in 1968, it contains a detailed account of Trudeau 's bid for the federal Liberal leadership. While Newman attributes Trudeau 's background to becoming the Liberal leader as conventional, or as Newman terms it: "..[A] [member of the] establishment" or as a member of the country 's political and economic elite, it says that it was Trudeau 's political genius that enabled him to win the leadership. Trudeau, according to Newman, was able to portray himself as "anti-establishment" which allowed Trudeau to not only win the leadership but simultaneously reinvigorate the Liberal Party and making the party relevant with the general Canadian population. Beneath this atmosphere of euphoria, Newman 's title is telling, The Distemper of Our Times, is a reflection on the political and social anxieties that were plaguing Canadian society in the late 1960s and early 1970s. These were not just the political problems, that other sources have mentioned, but also the social upheaval that had come across the Canadian-American border through cultural osmosis, and it was Trudeau, that Newman argues, emerged in this late-1960s culture. Much like in the protests that were occurring in the United States, the protests that were occurring in Canada were in part a result of the general public 's dissatisfaction with the current political system. As a result, in Newman 's opinion, Trudeau 's decision to portray himself as a political outsider, despite his upbringing and lifestyle in the manner of one considered to be a member of the intellectual elite, was conscious one, which was designed to differentiate himself from the other Liberal leadership candidates. However, Trudeau also had the problem of the fact that Trudeau had relatively little political
“Just watch me.”Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau said in 1970. He meant it as he fought to keep Quebec a part of Canada. Not only did he do that, he managed to be prime minister for 16 years, as well as being Canada’s youngest leader at the time. He brought greater civil rights to Canadians, Quebec citizens mainly. His charismatic personality matched his innovative ideas, that enhanced Canada for the better. For his entire political career, not only did Canada watch him, the whole world watched him change the country for the better. He made a radical change to Canada by championing the idea of officially implementing bilingualism. Trudeau was a trailblazer from the moment he was elected.
Pierre Elliot Trudeau was arguably one of the most vivacious and charismatic Prime Ministers Canada has ever seen. He wore capes, dated celebrities and always wore a red rose boutonniere. He looked like a superhero, and often acted like one too. Some of the landmark occurrences in Canadian history all happened during the Trudeau era, such as patriating the constitution, creating the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1980 Quebec Referendum. However, it is Trudeau’s 1969 “white paper” and the Calder legal challenge which many consider to be one of his most influential contributions to Canadian history.
Charles-Émile Trudeau was a Conservative, and several of his friends belonged to the Liberal Party. When his father’s friends were visiting at their Lac Tremblant cottage, Pierre was exposed to political debates and rivalries at an early age. He found politics interesting, but could not understand much of it. His father invested in successful several companies at the beginning of the...
	Pierre Trudeau will certainly not be forgotten, even after his death. In my opinion he accomplished a lot for Canada but I disliked his crazy ways of politics, to me the way he does things don’t make much sense. Unlike other politicians Pierre Trudeau, had four central themes: the freedom of the individual; the political equality of all individuals; the superiority of rationality; and democracy as the best form of government. What is interesting about these principles is that at various points in his writing Trudeau's value for each one of them compromises and even contradicts his value for one or more of the others. In this way, irony becomes a part of Trudeau's liberalism.
The government has truly been molding Canada into the wonderful country that it is today. Whether the changes have been good or bad, the government has always been trying their best to solve problems such as takes high income, racism, and making sure that Canada is seen as the cleanest and economically friendly place that it is today. However, Pierre Elliot Trudeau was unique and impacted Canadians in a positive way. He was an intelligent, and strategic man, when dealing with many different types of crisis’s, such as the economic crisis. Always put his citizens before himself, and felt that everyone should be treated equally with their own individual rights. Obviously, without Pierre Trudeau,
Spicer, Keith. 1991. Citizen’s Forum on Canada’s Future: Report to the People and Government of
Furthermore, the issues of representation in the House of Commons are even more evident in terms of the alienation of certain provinces. Western Canada has experienced political alienation due to the dominance and influence of Ontario and Quebec over policy-making as both provinces contain the founding Cultures of Canada (Miljan, 2012, p. 53) Also, the fact that Ontario and Quebec make up more than 60 percent of Canada’s population attracts policymakers to those provinces while marginalizing the interests of westerners (Miljan, 2012, p. 53). Thus, policymakers will favor Ontario and Quebec as these provinces harbor the most ridings as well as the bigger electors’ base. In fact, Western Canada is also underrepresented in both the House of Commons and the Senate when compared to the Maritime provinces as the Maritime provinces are overrepresented compared to their population. Also, many western Canadians are turned off by the federal government as they have been alienated from major political action and discussion due to low representation (Canada and the World Backgrounder, 2002). In other words, Ottawa does not address the needs and hopes of Western Canada
Frist, federalism is the division of power between the provinces and the federal government (Cutler 2010, 3). As well, Federal systems tend to be made up of multiple parts, which do not necessarily work together (Brock 2008, 3). There has been an increase on the study of federalism in recent years, which has created a more in-depth look at how federalism impacts the government. (Farfard Rocher 2009, 294). There are two aspects of federalism and both of them put limitations on the influence of the prime minister. The first is called political asymmetry; this encompasses the various attitudes of the different provinces such as the culture, economic, social and political conditions and how it shapes the relationship between the provincial and federal governments (Brock 2008, 4). This can create a problem for the federal government because it means that they may ha...
Regionalism is a political ideology based on a collective sense of place or attachment, and is discussed in terms of Canadian society, culture, economy and politics (Westfall, 3). Canada is known internationally as a nation incorporating several multiregional interests and identities into its unification of culture. Its diverse population is comprised of numerous ethnicities, religions, sexual orientations and traditions; and all resides under one federal government. Ever since the founding of Canada, it has developed into regional cleavages and identities, based on various geographical topologies, lifestyles and economic interests (Westfall, 6). It is these characteristics which make it problematic for the federal government to represent all demands of its people on a national level. Regionalism is thus an issue within regards to political proficiency in the Federal government.
May, E. (2009). Losing Confidence: Power, politics, and the crisis in Canadian democracy. Toronto, ON: McClelland & Stewart.
Many people to this day still do not have a collective agreement on what is the Canadian identity? Depending whom you ask you may get a wide variety of answer spanning the spectrum of possibilities, more so now, than at any point of the history of our nation. This essay will investigate how Pierre Elliott Trudeau found himself as a Canadian, and will demonstrate how it is his surroundings in which he immersed himself that shaped who he became. It is only later in his life that he truly discovered himself as well as his identity. Through the use of John English's biography as our primary reference we will investigate the development in Trudeau's character as he becomes older and experiences turning points in his life.
Harold Cardinal made a bold statement in his book, The Unjust Society, in 1969 about the history of Canada’s relationship with Aboriginal peoples. His entire book is, in fact, a jab at Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s idea of ‘the just society’. Pierre Elliott Trudeau made great assumptions about First Nations people by declaring that Aboriginal people should be happy about no longer being described as Indian. His goal was to rid Canada of Indians by assimilating them into the Canadian framework. Considered by many as a progressive policy, Trudeau’s white paper demonstrates just how accurate the following statement made by Harold Cardinal at the beginning of his book is : “The history of Canada’s Indians is a shameful chronicle of the white man’s disinterest,
Many people across the globe argue that nationalism within Canada is simply not feasible. It is said that we as a people, differ so greatly with our diverse cultures, religions, and backgrounds that we cannot come together and exist together as a strong, united nation. In his book, Lament for a Nation, George Grant tells the reader that “…as Canadians we attempted a ridiculous task in trying to build a conservative nation in the age of progress, on a continent we share with the most dynamic nation on earth. The current history is against us.” (1965) Originally directed towards the Bomarc Missile Crisis, the book argues that whatever nationalism Canada had was destroyed by globalization as well as the powerful American sphere of influence. Although it is true that the book was initially written as a response to the events that took place in the late 1950s, many of the points are still valid today.
Enduring withering criticism for being a closet communist, he set about enacting legislation and putting in place programs consistent with his socially progressive views in order to level the playing field for the Province, and later when he took over as head of the NDP, similarly influencing things at a national level. Although interestingly, while most Canadians would regard Douglas as the ‘Father of Medicare’ and the CBC designated ‘Greatest Canadian’, it was actually ‘his forgotten successor’ who legislated it’.
Canada’s parliamentary system is designed to preclude the formation of absolute power. Critics and followers of Canadian politics argue that the Prime Minister of Canada stands alone from the rest of the government. The powers vested in the prime minister, along with the persistent media attention given to the position, reinforce the Prime Minister of Canada’s superior role both in the House of Commons and in the public. The result has led to concerns regarding the power of the prime minister. Hugh Mellon argues that the prime minister of Canada is indeed too powerful. Mellon refers to the prime minister’s control over Canada a prime-ministerial government, where the prime minister encounters few constraints on the usage of his powers. Contrary to Mellon’s view, Paul Barker disagrees with the idea of a prime-ministerial government in Canada. Both perspectives bring up solid points, but the idea of a prime-ministerial government leading to too much power in the hands of the prime minister is an exaggeration. Canada is a country that is too large and complex to be dominated by a single individual. The reality is, the Prime Minister of Canada has limitations from several venues. The Canadian Prime Minister is restricted internally by his other ministers, externally by the other levels of government, the media and globalization.