Still, Lacerda’s inflammatory reactions against the opposition of people like Brizola in Rio de Janeiro was not the outcome of the political challenge that it represented. It was also the result of the agitated political times of the early 1960s which also had repercussions in the favelas. The political organization of favelas reached momentum when they representatives created the Federation of Favelas Associations of Guanabara (Federação das Associações de Favelas da Guanabara; FAFEG) in 1963 that had a very important role in resisting Lacerda’s favela eradication policy.
It was not only at the local and national level where the political conjuncture of Rio de Janeiro unfolded in this very particular conjuncture. In a context of growing inflation, social turmoil, and political radicalization, Lacerda emerged as one of the favorite political figures and a model of a desirable politician for the United States. The governor’s credentials as a politician hostile to the heterodoxy of populism and the orthodoxy of the left embodied in the figures of Vargas or Kubitscheck, yet still committed to certain aspects of social reform, placed him in good stead with the Kennedy Administration. In the context of the Cold War, the US saw Lacerda as a guarantor of order in comparison to what was seen as the radical politics of President Goulart -“childish and erratic,” Brizola, or Aluísio Alves. Commenting with Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Thomas Mann, Ambassador Gordon described the governor of Guanabara, “Carlos Lacerda (48)—Gov. of Guanabara. (…) One anti-commie. One of ablest in country. Brilliant. Was newspaper publisher. Good administrator. Would make good President—under attack for being pro-American.” That th...
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... for Progress and the United States on them.
The construction of Vila Kennedy, Vila Aliança, Vila Esperança, the first glebe of Cidade de Deus, as well as the eradication of some favelas of Rio during the Lacerda administration need to be explain within this particular conjuncture of Rio de Janeiro that intersects three equally important level of analysis: the local, the national, and the trnansnational. A city economically in decline, politically deprived of its traditional status as capital, caught between the heated struggles of power of the governor and the president, and also one of the subtle cold war arenas, Rio de Janeiro underwent decisive urban renewal, slum removal, and public housing construction. The presence of American dollars and technicians walking around the favelas and the new developments of Rio de Janeiro were part of this threefold context.
This book was written by Machado de Assis in 1908, the same year as the death of the author. Aires Memorial is considered an autobiographical work. It notes a relationship between the novel and the old age of the writer. Without presenting a single plot, the story is divided into several entries from a diary of sorts, featuring anecdotes and episodes that permeate throughout the chapters. The work has the theme amorous idylls and the futility of characters belonging to the Brazilian elite of the late nineteenth century. The author was the brilliant writer more exposed their subjective values, fleeing some of its most striking feature: the narrative exemption.
In Samba, Alma Guillermoprieto describes the Carnival celebrated every year in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and explores the black cultural roots from which it takes its traditions as well as its social, economic, and political context in the 1980s. From her firsthand experience and investigation into favela life and the role of samba schools, specifically of Manguiera, Guillermoprieto illustrates a complex image of race relations in Brazil. The hegemonic character of samba culture in Brazil stands as a prevalent theme in numerous facets of favela life, samba schools, and racial interactions like the increasing involvement of white Brazilians in Carnival preparation and the popularity of mulatas with white Brazilians and tourists. Rio de Janeiro’s early development as a city was largely segregated after the practice of slavery ended. The centralization of Afro-Brazilians in favelas in the hills of the city strengthened their ties to black
Time and rules have been transforming countries in many ways; especially, in the 1850’s and the 1920’s, when liberals were firmly in control across Latin American region. Liberalism can be defined as a dominant political philosophy in which almost every Latin American country was affected. A sense of progress over tradition, reason over faith, and free market over government control. Although each country was different, all liberals pursued similar policies. They emphasize on legal equality for all citizens, progress, free trade, anti-slavery, and removing power from church. Liberals declared promising changes for Latin American’s future. But Latin America had a stronger hierarchical society with more labor systems, nothing compare to the United States societies. Liberals weren’t good for Latin America. What I mean by “good” is the creation of a turning point or some type of contribution towards success. I define “good” as beneficial or helpful. The Latin American economy was stagnant between 1820 and 1850 because of independence wars, transportation and the recreation of facilities. I describe this era as, “the era when Latin America when off road”.
Derby Lauren, The Dictator's Seduction: Gender and State Spectacle during the Trujillo Regime, Callaloo 23.3. Summer 2000, pp. 1112-1146.
The purpose of this paper is to recognize, study and analyze the race relations in Brazil. Race relations are relations between two groups of different races; it is how these two different races connect to each other in their environment. Since Brazil is racially diverse, this study is focused on how Brazilians relate to each other. Throughout the essay, it will become clear that there exists a conflict between two race groups. Afro-Brazilians and White-Brazilians are not connected and though these two groups converse with each other, discrimination still lies within the society. This discrimination has created inequality within the society for Afro-Brazilians. Thus, this paper will not only focus on racism and discrimination that Afro-Brazilians experience because of White-Brazilian, but also on the history of Brazil, the types if discrimination that Afro-Brazilian must endure today and how the media creates discrimination.
It describes the life in Paraguay of that time so excellently that it is peculiar that a man so misinformed as Gimlette that writes a book plagued of errors, has called the attention of the “elite press”, North American.
In 1930 a man named Rafael Leónidas Trujillo was elected, he was known for his dictatorship. During his Campaign he had it arranged with a secret police force called SIM “Servicio de Inteligencia Militar” (Military Intelligence Service) so that his opponent would get killed. In 1950, Trujillo tried to find reasons to put the three sisters “in their place”. Trujillo felt threatened by the sisters, not only did they oppose him secretly but publicly as well.
The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.” The times favored the democratic concepts professed by the middle class. A wave of freedom of speech, press, and assembly engulfed much of Latin America and bathed the middle class with satisfaction. New political parties emerged to represent broader segments of the population. Democracy, always a fragile plant anywhere, seemed ready to blossom throughout Latin America. Nowhere was this change more amply illustrated than in Guatemala, where Jorge Ubico ruled as dictator from 1931 until 1944. Ubico, a former minister of war, carried out unprecedented centralization of the state and repression of his opponents. Although he technically ended debt peonage, the 1934 vagrancy law required the carrying of identification cards and improved ...
The discourse of self-definition in Brazil is based on perceptions of economic success, material value and social prestige. Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, there was a general scramble to reconstruct individual identity in social success and achievement. “Assertions of moral and cultural (class and racial) superiority” make up the discourses of national and regional identity, while simultaneously setting up the social building blocks of discrimination and stratification (25). Through the strange consumption of not only goods, but the commodification of experiences, the Brazilian middle class sought to redefine their lives and social status, and ultimately create a world that thrives on social division and prejudice.
In the 1500s Pedro Alvares Cabral landed on Brazil, previously a inhabited by tribal nations, and claimed the land in the name of Portugal. Brazil remained a Portuguese colony until September 7, 1822 when it declared its independence becoming the Empire of Brazil making the nation a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system. In early 1964, a Military junta took control of the nation until it fell in 1985 further changing the structure of the nation, and finally in 1988 a formal constitution was created enacting 26 states encompassing its boarders. Throughout the history of Brazil, the nation was never able to fully immerse itself in the international market and expand its economy, until today. Latin America has not had the best of luck when it comes to economic development and many nations in Latin America have similar issues when it comes to economic and societal development, and many of these issues are cause by the same things. For example, before the military coup in 1964 Brazil was in massive amounts of debt to international partners, however, during the military rule the payment of this debt was halted so the trust and economic backing of countries stopped with the payments. Many plans have been enacted after the fall of the military control to reverse the economic downfall that occurred in the country and continent in the 20th century and especially in the 1980s, the lost decade. In Brazil alone, there have been at least seven economic plans to reverse the economic hardships of the country, from the Cruzado Plan to the Real Plan, none seemed to work. However, in the past decade the Brazilian economy has seen an amazing increase and the condition of life of the people in the nation has increased with it. The quest...
Recently, there has been a concerted effort from the Brazilian government to project their country as a “serious” power on the international stage. After many years of what could be deem as a failure of realized potential, Brazil is finally beginning to understand its worth as a major contributor to world affairs. Given its strategic location as the second most important country on in the Western hemisphere, and arguably the most important country on the Southern hemisphere, Brazil is poised to become an international powerhouse, the like of which South America has never seen. To fully utilize the opportunities being presented to Brazil in the coming years it is imperative that the Dilma regime bolster its reputation through increased efforts of international cooperation with emerging world markets.
All throughout the 20th century we can observe the marked presence of totalitarian regimes and governments in Latin America. Countries like Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic all suffered under the merciless rule of dictators and military leaders. Yet the latter country, the Dominican Republic, experienced a unique variation of these popular dictatorships, one that in the eyes of the world of those times was great, but in the eyes of the Dominicans, was nothing short of deadly.
To watch City of God is to be forced to enter, from a safe distance, the ruthless and merciless hoods of Rio de Janeiro. The captivating and poignant film guides viewers through the realistic aspects of slum life experienced by young, underprivileged youth in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, some aspects that not even most middle class Brazilians get to see. In a city where police are fraudulent, opportunities are scarce and crime is widespread, many youths believe there is no alternative to gang activity. In City of God, director Fernando Meirelles puts to the forefront of Brazilian cinema the real issues that favelas in Brazil face like poverty, extreme violence and stereotypical gender roles in a male dominated society. City of God encapsulates the hope of Rio’s impoverished blacks for social and economic ascension.
Favela [slums or urban areas] are where approximately 11.4 million of the 190 million Brazils’ population reside. These areas are known to be areas with crime and extreme poverty, the people who live there are known to be social outcast and are usually ignored by upper class citizens. These areas are home to the people who cannot afford to live in cities like Rio de Jainero or São Paolo because of the raising housing cost. Favela typically comes into being when squatters (a person who unlawfully occupies an uninhabited building or unused land) occupy vacant land at the edge of a city and construct shacks of salvaged or stolen materials.
What is one of the biggest problems in Latin America today? Is it the slums that some people live in or the way poor people are treated? Both these ideas connect to Latin America’s largest problem today, the major income gap between the rich and the poor. When people think of Latin America in modern day some will think of the rich citizens who live prosperous lives, but many of them also think of the poor folk who live in slums such like the favelas of Rio. This might not seem like such a big issue to us, but for the people of Latin America this could not only affect their economy, but their politics as well.