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Essay about colombia violence
History quiz 2 Colombia
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Steven Dudley in his book, Walking Ghosts: Murder and Guerilla Politics in Colombia, seeks to explain the internal political issues of what has been considered to be the earliest and most promising democracy of the Latin American region. In his book, the author delineates the process by which political upheaval has been able to inject itself into the social and political schedules of the country. Unlike many other cases involving genocide, Colombia has been part of what seems to be an eternal political genocide. Based on information provided by the author, one can conclude that the war, which the Colombian government is currently attempting to defeat, was in fact triggered by its own inept decisions of the past. Although very complex, the …show more content…
In the 1940’s, Colombia faced a civil war called, “La Violencia”, those at war were the two leading political parties, conservatives and liberals, over political eminence. The two parties settled a compromise to share power, yet these two groups saw a potential threat in the communist party whom at the time was very small and not influential. As Dudley notes, “the adversary made violence its strategy, and the communist fell right into its trap responding with the same strategy as the enemy” (Dudley 21). The communist party adopted “la combinacion de todas las formas de lucha” as the strategy to combat the government’s brutal use of force; this strategy was a combination of political campaigns held in the cities and war as a means of defending themselves in the rural areas. Rather than eradicating communism, the government’s actions helped strengthen the party’ capabilities as their popularity and defiance against the government began to grow. From such growth, new guerilla and nongovernmental organizations, that later split from their original intends, were …show more content…
Dudley, described these people as martyrs or walking ghost. These walking ghosts were former or current members of mainly the Communist party, and the UP, but also of the FARC, and the M19, whom were targets of the government hired paramilitary groups. Having said this, it is evident that the cleansing of people was occurring, not necessarily based on ethnicity, as they all were ethnically identical, but cleansing based on political inclination. Innocent civilians whom were suspected to support any leftist political party or group were executed without formal evidence. Moreover, one can argue that in fact these people were not being moved or contained from an area or the government but exterminated, making this a political genocide. “The goal wasn’t just to kill the enemy but to wipe it from the earth completely, to destroy the idea that it had ever existed” (Dudley, 6). Later citing, “They called it a “cleanup,” and its targets were Communist Party members and suspected FARC collaborators” (Dudley,
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
Lewiston, Idaho, once an important port for miners traveling in search of gold, is now a town of about 30,000 people. Few of the people who live in the Lewis-Clark Valley speak of its over one hundred year history. However, there are still parts of the community where one can explore and see the age of the town. Downtown Lewiston is one of a few areas where people can go exploring. They wander the streets, admiring the buildings that stand proudly above them. One building in particular ties a unique history into the downtown area. Morgan’s Alley stands at the corner of Main Street and D Street, overlooking the cars and people passing by. On the outside, it looks like an ordinary, older building. On the inside, it holds secrets of the past and possibly a ghost.
The Civil War in El Salvador lasted from 1980 to 1992, and the El SAlvadoran government was doing their best to minimize the threat of their opposition. Their main opposition, The Frente Farabundo Marti Para La Liberacion Nacional; otherwise known as the FMLN, was a guerrilla group that was organized to fight the corruption in the country. 175). One of the main goals of the organization was to create a new society that is not degrading its citizens and promotes equality. Throughout El Salvador’s history, one organization to the next would run the country through repressive actions and social injustice. One of the main reasons that the FMLN fought the acting government were due to these social restraints on the lower- class citizens in El Salvador.
In the story “Listening to Ghosts” Malea Powell talks about the native Americans on challenges and educational practices. The story is about the native American living in America before the British came to ruin their lives. This effect caused the Native Americans to disappear for good and became shadows. Afterwards there were different theories about the beliefs such as white guy philosopher's theory and western culture theory.The white guy’s philosopher's theory states that the stories were special and central civilized.Western culture, people thought that they were “savages” and “civilized”.
Kampwirth, Karen. Women and Guerrilla Movements in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chipas and Cuba. The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002. University Park, PA.
The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.” The times favored the democratic concepts professed by the middle class. A wave of freedom of speech, press, and assembly engulfed much of Latin America and bathed the middle class with satisfaction. New political parties emerged to represent broader segments of the population. Democracy, always a fragile plant anywhere, seemed ready to blossom throughout Latin America. Nowhere was this change more amply illustrated than in Guatemala, where Jorge Ubico ruled as dictator from 1931 until 1944. Ubico, a former minister of war, carried out unprecedented centralization of the state and repression of his opponents. Although he technically ended debt peonage, the 1934 vagrancy law required the carrying of identification cards and improved ...
These documents detailed a series of counterinsurgency sweeps through Guatemalan regions to kill the enemy guerillas and destroy their bases with extreme force. The prosecution proved with evidence that General Rios Montt was guilty of 1,771 indigenous people, forced displacement of 29,000 people, at least nine cases of sexual violence and various cases of torture (Burt 2). The violence was overwhelming when described in court and included powerful testimonies that showed indiscriminate massacres, rape, infanticide, destruction of crops to induce starvation, and abduction of children (Burt 2). The use of defense patrols was also produced as evidence against the General, citing that these where used as methods to undermine local populations and instill fear amongst the citizens of these villages.
All throughout the 20th century we can observe the marked presence of totalitarian regimes and governments in Latin America. Countries like Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic all suffered under the merciless rule of dictators and military leaders. Yet the latter country, the Dominican Republic, experienced a unique variation of these popular dictatorships, one that in the eyes of the world of those times was great, but in the eyes of the Dominicans, was nothing short of deadly.
I read a book a few years ago titled “Ghost in the Wires: My Adventures as the World's Most Wanted Hacker,” by Kevin Mitnick. The book divulges his escapades while accessing computers and networks of the biggest telecommunications companies via social engineering and computer hacking. Kevin was eventually arrested and served time in Federal prison. He now works as a security consultant. I was unaware of the phone phreaking subculture prior to reading this book.
The Nelly Butler hauntings is referred to as the first recorded ghost story in American history (LiBrizzi 5), and possibly the most exciting hauntings to date as there are still many unsolved mysteries. The apparition appeared on more than 30 separate occasions to over 100 witnesses in Sullivan, Maine, just over fifteen years after the American Revolution (5-6). Although the Nelly Butler apparition is one of the most convincing ghosts of all time, it was subject to suspicions of fraud. These claims turn out to be groundless as the evidence reveals the ghost to be genuine.
FARC came into existence due to political unrest in Columbia during the first half of the 20th century. “La Violencia”, as the conflict was called, began with the assassination of the leader of the Liberal Party, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, in April of 1948. The country’s two main political parties, the Liberals and Conservatives, waged a bloody war that left many Columbians displaced from their homes and villages. Small groups under the Communist Party of Columbia started organizing rebel militias. These militias attracted a young man named Manuel Marulanda in the 1950’s who would later become the leader of FARC, which was formed in 1964 with the intentions of overthrowing the current government and replacing it with a Marxist rule. The group officially adopted the name
In the fiction story “Ghosts” by Edwidge Danticat it sets place in Haiti, the story talks about Pascal and his family living in the area called Bel-Air, which he describes himself as “a mid-level slum”. They move to the nice place “Bel Air” because they wanted their kids to finish primary school. Living in this mid level slum, Pascal says that it’s not overrun by gangs. In that area though has one active major gang. His family run a restaurant in the area, but that has also become central to the gang’s activities.
Armed insurgencies and guerilla warfare have plagued the stability of Latin American governments throughout their paths towards democratic development. In recent discussions of the peace talks between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian government, a controversial issue has been whether negotiating with the guerilla would bring political stability to the nation. On one hand, some argue that the inclusion of the FARC in political affairs would ultimately delegitimize the government’s authority by having them cede to terrorist demands. On the other hand, supporters of these efforts claim that the government’s efforts to stop the group have not alleviated the violent circumstances
a dull grey colour as if it had lost the will to live and stopped
Nationalism system creates laws and regulates them. These facts cause pressure, tension, intolerance, violence and anxiety in a society. For more than one hundred years the island has retained his identity because of geographical isolation. During the last fifty years, Colombia’s government is re-enforcing a nationalism authority with regulation and laws. This system has c...