In her essay, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses,” Chandra Talpade Mohanty explores the simplified construction of the “third-world woman” in hegemonic feminist discourses. In contrast, in her essay “US Third-World Feminism: The Theory and Method of Oppositional Consciousness in the Postmodern World,” Chela Sandoval specifically analyzes “US third-world feminism” and how it is the model for not only oppositional political activity, but also consciousness in the United States and how this has not been recognized by hegemonic “western” feminist discourses (). While Mohanty and Sandoval are analyzing and critiquing gender and gender politics, Mohanty is specifically focused on the simplified portrayal in “western” feminist discourses of “third world women” as victims, and Sandoval examines an oppositional mode of consciousness, which she defines as “differential consciousness” and how it is employed by “US third world feminism.” Both authors deconstruct gendered bodies of knowledge with an emphasis on the deconstruction of power, race, and colonialism. It is the deconstruction of these gendered bodies of knowledge that this essay will specifically analyze, as well as the depiction of what each author argues is missing from present discourses on gender, and finally, what they believe would be a better way to analyze gender discourses in a postmodern world. (maybe add another similar point, how western feminists are trying to portray “third-world women” and their motivation behind this act)
First, this essay wishes to examine the role of power and its deconstruction in Monhanty’s essay. Mohanty deconstructs the notion of power by critiquing three analytical assumptions that are found in western feminist...
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... She argues that while some situations may appear quite similar, they should not be treated as identical, as they have been, because they have very different, historically specifically explanations (64). It creates a false sense of commonality through oppression and overlooks that “beyond sisterhood there is still racism colonialism and imperialism” (64). Mohanty is not arguing that people of different identities and different backgrounds cannot join together to organize against a particular injustice; for example, she uses Indian women uniting against police brutality (65). However, she is arguing, “the analysis of these group identities cannot be based on universalistic, ahistorical categories” (65). So, while these women of different background can unite, it is always important that remember analyze the differences and not attempt to lump the women into “Women.”
Hewitt, N. (2001). Re-rooting American women’s activism: Global perspectives on 1848. In C. R. McCann & S. Kim (Eds), Feminist Theory Reader: Local and Global Perspectives (3rd Ed.). (p. 31-38). New York, NY: Routledge.
We cannot deny the imperfection of the world today; poverty, violence, lack of education, and the general overwhelming deficiency of basic daily necessities are among some of the most troubling issues on the agenda. By carefully selecting our critical lens, we can gather that there are many aspects of today’s issues where we can focus our attention and begin the quest for solutions to these pervasive problems. Authors Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn (2009) utilize their book Half the Sky: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide to emphasize the particular struggle of women in the world today and how by addressing three particular abuses of sex trafficking and forced prostitution, gender-based violence (including honor killings and mass rape), and maternal mortality, we may begin “unlocking an incipient women’s movement to emancipate women and fight global poverty” (p. xxii). However, we must first understand the difficulty of addressing such complex issues by a proposing a “one-size fits all” solution and take into consideration the varying feminist perspectives that currently contemplate the oppression of women in societies around the world. To be able to critically digest Kristof and WuDunn’s book we must explore the types of stories and evidence included and how they’re presented, and the generalized theories behind the insight and solutions regarding the women in need around the world. The authors alienate their audience by ignoring the complexity of building a singular feminist movement. Kristof and WuDunn’s book Half the Sky further contributes to the oppression of women because they objectify Third World women by portraying them as victims in need of outside rescue and suggest that an overarching solution...
Compare The Successes And Failures Of Patriarchy In Colonialism, In “The Tempest”, “Translations” And “Things Fall Apart”.
The colonial woman has often been imagined as a demure person, dressed in long skirt,apron and bonnet, toiling away at the spinning wheel, while tending to the stew at the hearth. In reality, the women of the early settlements of the United States were much more influential, strong and vital to the existence of the colonies. Her role,however, has shifted as the needs of the times dictated.
We must also understand the exclusion of gender from revolutionary discourses as being part of patriarchy that is not challenged in certain revolutions. The exclusion of gender equality from what Lumumba struggled for is where there is a certain patriarchy, and this kind of patriarchy is evident in almost all revolutionary anti-colonial writing.
Gender and Race are both used by Imperialist empires to justify their actions. Both of them go hand-in- hand in justifying the ability of an imperialist nations to interfere with and take over other cultures. In Kipling’s White Man’s Burden, Forster’s Passage to India, Silko’s Ceremony, Limerick’s Legacy of Conquest, and Kent’s Gender and power in Britain , 1640-1990, Gender is used as a justification to defend a gender in another country, and to “teach” them how to “live”. Additionally, Race is used as justification managing another country; the reason to keep races and minorities separated, and as justification for actions during ethical incidents. Race and Gender are used as justifications for intervention and takeover of other nations by
In many ways, 1980’s feminist theories started to peel back the masculinist surface of world politics to address and bring to the surface these intricate gendered and racialized dynamics. Caprioli amongst many, not only asks that there be room for Tickner’s appeal for dialogue with feminist and IR scholars, but demands this to be necessary. Why is it essential for dialogue between these perspectives? Before answering that, we should first try to understand why it is that international politics was...
As much as men are working, so are women, but ultimately they do not face the same obstacles. For example, “Even if one subscribes to a solely economic theory of oppression, how can one ignore that over half of the world's workers are female who suffer discrimination not only in the workplace, but also at home and in all the areas sex-related abuse” (Moraga 98). This gives readers a point of view in which women are marginalized in the work place, at home, and other areas alike. Here Moraga gives historical accounts of Chicana feminists and how they used their experiences to give speeches and create theories that would be of relevance. More so, Moraga states how the U.S. passes new bills that secretly oppress the poor and people of color, which their community falls under, and more specifically, women. For instance, “The form their misogyny takes is the dissolution of government-assisted abortions for the poor, bills to limit teenage girls’ right to birth control ... These backward political moves hurt all women, but most especially the poor and "colored." (Moraga 101). This creates women to feel powerless when it comes to control one’s body and leads them to be oppressed politically. This places the government to act as a protagonist, and the style of writing Moraga places them in, shines more light to the bad they can do, especially to women of color. Moraga uses the words, “backward moves”
While this work reflects much more on the European women who found themselves in British India with the vigor to bring political and social change to women in what is now modern day India, pakestan and shri lanka, Jayawardena widens our scope of the women who we identify as western feminist as a development in 19th and 20th century South Asia. I appreciated the detailed accounts of that these readings brought to Josephine Butler, as well as early Christian missionaries, and utilitarian activist such as Mary Carpenter and Annette Ackroyds. Through these specific examples, a the concept of a "global sisterhood" is commonly supported, but distinguishably executed. This is still true today when looking at contemporary missionary and feminist quest to improve the lives of women, globally. However, this concept of a "global sisterhood" to suggest the formation of an international feminist platform, finds its roots in imperialism and western ideologies that cannot be escaped. These readings, in conversation provide light on the history of global feminism and the empire as of way helping us understand the historical issues that keep the formation of solidarity between women around the world in a singular movement hard to
In specific, she interrogates the notion of gender itself and how it leads to constructed oppression and continued false inferiority by genders, sexes, and races. Her article is a critique of Anibal Quijano's theories. Lugones challenges Quijano's theory because it is constructed in and reproduces several problematic colonial ideas of sex and gender. The Arvin et al. piece, Decolonizing Feminism: Challenging Connections between Settler Colonialism and Heteropatriarchy, confronts the continued colonization of native people's in the United States. Moreover, the article analysis how how "settler colonialism" and heteropatriarchy are linked, benefit and grow through one another. The argument in this article states that Women's and Gender studies and Native Studies cannot continued to be siloed nor fooled into believing they are separate issues if we (feminists) ever hope to see the end of a heteropartriachal state; and therefore end settler
...action with others… especially men. This supplies final substantiation of the authors' argument, that women continue to be oppressed by their male-dominated societies. It is a bold undertaking for women to ally and promote a world movement to abandon sexist traditions. Although I have never lived in a third world or non-Westernized country, I have studied the conditions women suffer as "inferior" to men. In National Geographic and various courses I have taken, these terrible conditions are depicted in full color. Gender inequality is a terrible trait of our global society, and unfortunately, a trait that might not be ready to change. In America we see gender bias towards women in voters' unwillingness to elect more females into high office, and while this is not nearly as severe as the rest of the world, it indicates the lingering practice of gender inequality.
...er Theory complicated by post-colonial scholars and scholars of race who consider the ways gender intersects with nationalism, class, and race. As feminist critic Theresa de Lauretis suggests, “a new conception of the subject is, in fact, emerging from feminist analyses of women’s heterogeneous subjectivity and multiple identities . . . the differences among women may be better understood as differences within women.” It is important to realize that not only does feminism as a movement exist in the face of these contradictions and complications—within feminist criticism, within gender studies, within individual literary texts and within our understanding of the individual woman as a subject—but that it cannot exist without them. Perhaps, like Wonder Woman, feminist criticism remains vital because it is astonishingly diverse, open, and rigorously self-problematizing.
In this text Mohanty argues that contemporary western feminist writing on Third World women contributes to the reproduction of colonial discourses where women in the South are represented as an undifferentiated “other”. Mohanty examines how liberal and socialist feminist scholarship use analytics strategies that creates an essentialist construction of the category woman, universalist assumptions of sexist oppression and how this contributes to the perpetuation of colonialist relations between the north and south(Mohanty 1991:55). She criticises Western feminist discourse for constructing “the third world woman” as a homogeneous “powerless” and vulnerable group, while women in the North still represent the modern and liberated woman (Mohanty 1991:56).
In America, the rights of women have come a long way from where they were just forty and fifty years ago. Women still have a far path to go for equality and equal respect as men in America, but the success thus far is certainly notable. This success however, is not shared internationally to women of different countries, religions and cultures. Westerners seem to believe that using globalization as a means to bring gender equality to the people of Africa is a suitable plan, even though it is obvious that their values and cultural norms are no-where near similar to ours. Western feminism is not yet a reasonable approach to gender issues facing Africa. There are many examples of women in power in Africa especially in seats of legislature and congress in African countries, so this debate is not argue whether or not African women have made any head-way in improving their rights and the impact of their voices. This debate is to argue simply that our “western ways” are not the “only ways”. Feminism needs to be tailored specifically to the people it effects before it can be an effective proc...