“Transnational Activism and Global Transformations: The Anti-Apartheid and Abolitionist Experiences” a study conducted by Audie Klotz looks to transnational activism as a social movement to encourage the formation of new socioeconomic systems and overall global transformation. Klotz draws upon two major historical events where transnational activism was relatively successful: the abolitionist movement following the civil war and the contemporary civil unrest in South Africa brought on by the apartheid. Klotz turns to these social movements as critical transnational participants that provide socioeconomic and political changes globally by means of massive mobilization.
Klotz first defines a social movement as a group of individuals who share a common cause and promote this cause by means of mobilization thereby challenging major political and social figures. Although the abolitionist movement was centered more in the continental US Klotz stresses its similar struggles, tactics and motivations seen with the anti-apartheid movement almost a century later. Klotz first includes the studies of social analysts to explain the beginnings and actions that lead to successful social movements. One of the many social movement theories Klotz includes comes from the similar conclusions of Thomas Rochon and Ethan Nadelmann who emphasize the importance of non-governmental establishments as a transnational movement with a common moral code who look to completely demolish previous social norms and political conventions. However Klotz believes the analysis of both Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink prove most accurate as they focus on the need of mobilization efforts to concentrate on the personal desires of the majority rather than influence of tr...
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...s by linking this sense of a moral code to the economy by boycotting the companies who benefitted from racial discrimination. The International Relations Theory coupled with a social movement leads to global transformations resulting from mobilization. Mobilization Klotz argues is a necessary tool for the transformation of normative foundations globally. These movements in particular challenged present social systems and found its success in identifying with a moral discrimination issue. It here that when a social movement creates alliances with various discriminated and non-discriminated but financially supportive actors that the movement is more likely in challenging and overthrowing the elites of society as well as changing socioeconomic and political foundations. Social movements indeed have the ability to span globally and alter economic and political policies.
Existing within the movement must be a leader or leaders, as well as a large number of committed followers or members. Additionally, social movements have “organizations or coalitions” working as a guiding backbone for collectivity and regulation (Stewart,
The concepts of Reform and Revolution are nearly polarizing by their very nature, with one seeking to modify, and the other seeking to destroy and rebuild. If an organized Black movement was to find itself in an opportunistic position -whatever that may be- with which to attempt a radical movement (in either case; reform or revolution, the resulting movement would need to be large and radical if it would hope to accomplish its goals before the opportunity for change ceases to present itself) it would only serve to befall their efforts if they found themselves in a splintered state of conflicting ideologies. But, in either case, be it reform or revolution, a reconfiguring of the thought processes behind how one looks at the nature of American politics is undoubtedly necessary in order to look into the potential for future Black liberation.
The antebellum American antislavery movement began in the 1820s and was sustained over 4 decades by organizations, publications, and small acts of resistance that challenged the legally protected and powerful institution of slavery and the more insidious enemy of black equality, racism. Abolitionists were always a radical minority even in the free states of the North, and the movement was never comprised of a single group of people with unified motivations, goals, and methods. Rather, the movement was fraught with ambiguity over who its leaders would be, how they would go about fighting the institution of slavery, and what the future would be like for black Americans.
Filene makes the bold yet practical statement that, in reference to the progressive movement, when “research has produced less rather than more conclusions…historians are asking a false question.” His main goal thus is to prove that the progressive movement itself “never existed.” He begins his argument by defining the word “movement” as “a collectivity acting with some continuity to promote or resist a change in society.” By creating this fundamental framework Filene then breaks down the progressive movement into four basic dimensions: program, values, membership, and supporters. He first attacks the basic progressive ideology.
slave holders will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood." Even though both movements, were borne of high hopes they failed in bringing about their goals. Born in hope, they died in despair, as both movements saw many of their gains washed away. I propose to examine why they failed in realizing their goals. My thesis
Murch uses this to explain why the Party was successful in maintaining itself on the local level but often failed on the national level. One can not argue that the Black Panther Party wasn’t a socially driven movement, but Murch argues that the movement itself was driven by the social structures of the Bay Area African American community. Murch approaches the success of the Black Panther Party at an angle that examines how the Party’s positions and it’s course was driven by the public it was centered within. Murch details that the African American community of Oakland was deeply rooted in family values as well as social organizations, such as churches.
Globalization, the term used to describe the dominant framework of international relations following the cold war, is affecting many aspects of politics and social experience. This is seen in the Zapatista rebellion and movement in Chiapas, Mexico that has benefited from globalization and transnational support. This paper examines the relationship of transnationalism and social movements with the Zapatistas as a case study. In particular, this paper argues that the Zapatistas are part of the anti-globalization cycle of protest. As a result, they have used the master frame of this cycle of protest and aligned that frame in light of their particular situation. Because this frame was resonant with transnational activists a network of support was formed, which pressures the government from above, increasing the chances of success of a movement. The paper concludes by examining the implications of the Zapatistas for social movement research, with particular regard for Tarrow’s “strong thesis” about movements in a transnational era
Filene wrote “An Obituary for “The Progressive Movement”” in direct response to Hofstadter and other historians that there was never a Progressive ‘Movement.’ He argues that most historian are too caught up in defining Progressivism that they do not consider what it means for something to be a movement. He states that a social movement is a group acting to cause change or to stop change. Filene argues that there was never a movement, that society and progressives were too fractured to act as one group.
Routledge, P. "Resisting and reshaping destructive development: social movements and globalising networks." Geographies of Global Change (2002): 310-327.
is soon to become a minority-majority nation, which makes the discussion of diversity not a “fixation” as he calls it; instead, it is an essential urge to prioritize the debate on the importance of diversity as the new common ground between contemporary democracies around the world. In such an interconnected and globalized world where ideas and cultures are increasingly exchanged, the denial of importance of diversity in tackling the enduring issues of racism, sexism, xenophobia, and violence are, at the very least, erroneous. On the other hand, it is also necessary to highlight that there is a compelling component related to the economic struggles of the white working class in face of job losses due to globalization and the great recession, not necessarily due to the focus on “diversity.” Such anti-globalization movement suggests that poor and uneducated people fear the current political framework and are in dire need of a leader who is able to represent them. It is worth mentioning that this is not an isolated problem in the U.S.; in fact, it has been quickly spreading across Latin America and
As the rule of capitalism, the rulers’ power depends on the populace’s power. However, the concept of nonviolence challenges the power of rulers through the intentional removal of this co-operation. As Martin Luther King implies; “Through nonviolent resistance the Negro will be able to noble height of opposing the unjust system while loving the perpetrators of the system.” (p. 139.) From the beginning, the behaviors of the doers are aimed to be changed. However, because of the rising strength of the violence against the Negro had built the foundation for a self- defense movement to achieve liberation for all Black people, which is called “The Black Panther Party.” For all the Black people, the party wanted freedom, full employment, an end to the robbery of white people, decent housing, education, being held in prison and jails and being tried in a court by a jury of their peer group.
Some people define race as if it is something solid or concrete, but what they don’t see is that it is a “social fabrication”(Mathew Desmond, Mustafa Emibayer,2009;2). Race is based on the difference in physical appearance which is determined, for example, by the most apparent trait; skin color. Inequality emerges when people living, whether on the same sovereign terrain or across continents, are not treated with the same amount of respect and not given the chance to engage their rights in a free and fair manner. Race and inequality are often linked together because of the “issues that began in the 1800s”(NFB;Journey to Justice;2000) such as racial segregation. Over the years issues of race and inequality have decreased dramatically. How did racial inequality decrease and through what? To study this case, two theories need to be put in practice, “resource mobilisation theory and new social movement”(Tremblay;2013).
(Turner and Killian 1987) cited in (Diani 1992, p. 4) define social movements as a “collectivity acting with some continuity to promote or resist a change in the society or organisation of which it is part. As a collectivity a movement is a group with indefinite and shifting membership and with leadership whose position is determined more by informal response of adherents than by formal procedures for legitimizing authority”. Turner and Killian regard a social movement as a peculiar kind of collective behavior that is contrasted to regularity and institutional behavior. Additionally, Turner believes that social movements do not necessarily coincide with movement organisations, although these organisations can carry out a large part of the movement tasks and it is often help to control and speak for movements (Diani 1992).
Morris, Aldon D. "A Retrospective on the Civil Rights Movement: Political and Intellectual Landmarks." Annual Review of Sociology 25 (1999): 517-539. Web. 15 Oct. 2013.
Researchers classify social movements according to the type of change they seek (Aberle, 1966, Cameron, 1966, Blumer, 1969, as cited in Macionis, 2007). According to John Macionis, a social movement is when people commonly band together to create an organized activity that encourages or discourages social change (Macionis, 2008). In the case of this radical society, Hippies were typically ...