An upcoming Chartist founder in 1832, Henry Hetherington had quoted that the ‘Reform Act was never intended to do you one particle of good.’ Opinions like Henry Hetherington’s after the passing of 1832 Reform Act eventually led to the emergence of Chartism as a national movement in 1837, who were predominately working class and depicted the ‘Great ‘Reform Act of 1832 as a betrayal and a failure, rather than being ‘Great’. The Reform Act was hoped by many to be a ‘remedy’ for many of those from the lower end of the social classes and finally a chance for them to get their voices heard by the government through enfranchisement, however many thought they were ‘deceived’ by it when it was passed. On the other hand, Historians have contended …show more content…
This leads to the question which will be explored in this essay did the rise of the Chartist movement actually mark the total failure of the ‘Great’ Reform Act, considering the movement wasn’t driven entirely by a political motive? Perhaps, the rise of the Chartist movement highlighted the number of issues still remaining from the Reform Act and this undermines whether it was actually ‘Great’, but does not necessarily mean the Act was a complete failure.
The ‘Great’ Reform Act of 1832 was considered as a failure and a betrayal for the Chartist movement. The Chartist movement demanded their six points from the people’s charter to be accepted by the government, some of which were supposed to have been passed in the 1832 Reform Act. These included, ‘vote by ballot’, ‘universal suffrage’ and ‘no property qualifications’. However, none of these were implemented in the 1832 Reform Act and rather the working class people saw the Act as if it was ultimately designed to exclude them from participating in the government and had dashed their hope of a parliament that would truly represent them. The introduction of uniform of ten pounds’ franchise in the boroughs excluded the vast
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The Chartist movement itself came about five years’ after the Reform Act was passed, so how can the rise of the movement mark the failure of the Reform Act, when its sole drive perhaps was not fully related to it? Edward Royle had suggested that ‘the roots of Chartism lay in economic hardship’, and that the movement erupted at a time of an economic crisis. The movement was predominately working-class and thus when inflation began to rise, they were hit the hardest and many saw the Chartist movement as the only hope in their desperate situation. This idea can be further supported by a report on a speech by Joseph Rayner Stephens who comments, ‘This question of Universal Suffrage was a knife and fork question…this was a bread and cheese question.’ This suggests the movements idea of universal suffrage was more to do with a socio-economic issue and this can relate with Edward Royle’s view that the Chartist movement erupted as a result of the bad economic conditions, rather than the betrayal of the ‘Great’ Reform Act. In this sense, it suggests the Chartist movement came about many years after the Reform Act was passed because it wasn’t until towards the late 1830’s the economic situation started to worsen for the working-class, and this led many to turn towards Chartism in the hope for a change.
It could be argued that Gladstone’s failure to unite his party, during a time when their ultimate support and confidence in his leadership was crucial, was a significant tactical error that contributed heavily towards the failure of the 1886 Home Rule Bill. The results of the 1885 general election were to have a significant impact on the political landscape of Britain; despite winning the most seats, the Liberals did not have an overall majority.As Parnell and the Irish Parliamentry Party (IPP) held the balance...
Martin Pugh, in his evaluation of women’s suffrage, focuses his narrative on the Victorian Suffragists, especially from the 1870s to 1890s, arguing- unlike many other historians- that their contribution to the securing of votes for women was instrumental. Presented through 10 essays, focusing on specific topics related to the Suffragist movement, Pugh provides an in depth analysis of both the tactics and political climate the Victorian Women’s Suffrage movement faced. Organised in roughly chronological order, the prose is fluent with constant reference to central ideas featuring in each text, consolidating Pugh’s point.
Led by Samuel F.B. Morse this reformation made it so that any foreigner who came into the United States after the law was changed was not allowed the right of suffrage (Document D). The democratic ideal of Liberty includes political freedom, which in itself includes the right to participate in political processes. If foreigners are not able to vote, that liberty which was a democratic ideal of the Constitution has been taken from them. If foreigners are denied the right to suffrage, it would be impossible for them to be considered equal. The excerpt from Brownson’s speeech talks about how reform movements are an unnecessary phase and that they don’t create a significant change. (Doc G.) This also does not support democratic ideals because it states that society is perfect even though it is largely divided. During this time period tax-supported public education had formed. In reality though, the majority of the kids who could attend school were white middle class boys. Girls were seen as not bright enough to need education and slave children were working on plantations. Some poor boys attended school but a lot of the times they would have to leave class and go home to help their parents or go with their fathers to work and not even attend school at all. (Doc
... and movements, pertaining to the rise of the working class, led to an excessive analysis of the evidence within the pages of Chants Democratic. At times Wilentz’s scrutiny of the trade unions and many other pretentious accounts of the Jacksonian era led the author’s prose to become silted to the reader. In lieu to the disarray of evidence, provided by Wilentz to give application to his arguments on the rise of the labor class; the primary thesis became lost. This leads Chants Democratic to be a great hindrance for the basic student, yet is an excellent source for someone engaged in researching the rise of a working class in American history.
The Extent to Which Fear and Pragmatism were the Major Factors in the Passing of the Great Reform Act
While some citizens of the United States, between 1825 and 1850, believed that reform was foolish and that the nation should stick to its old conduct, reformists in this time period still sought to make the United States a more ideally democratic nation. This was an age of nationalism and pride, and where there was pride in one’s country, there was the aspiration to improve one’s country even further. Many new reformist and abolitionist groups began to form, all attempting to change aspects of the United States that the respective groups thought to be unfair or unjust. Some groups, such as lower and middle class women and immigrants, sought to improve rights within the county, while other reformers aspired to change the American education system into a more efficient way of teaching the county’s youth. Still other reform groups, particularly involved in the church and the second great awakening, wanted to change society as a whole. This was a time and age of change, and all these reforms were intended to contribute to the democratic way our country operated.
The most commonly known, and consequently most watered down, version of the progressive movement argues that this era was simply an effort by the middle class to cure many of the social and political ills of American society that had developed during the rapid industrial growth in the last quarter of the 19th century. This explanation has proven to be a woefully inadequate in the face of the complexities that characterize these times. In Richard Hofstadter’s The Age of Reform, Peter Filene’s “An Obituary for the Progressive Movement,” Richard McCormick’s “The Discovery that Business Corrupts Politics,” and Paula Baker’s “The Domestication of Politics” each author asserts their own unique interpretations of the progressive movement. These distinct examinations each chart and thus manifest the fluidity of knowledge about this particular time period and how it has been shaped reshaped by new analysis.
King, B. G., Cornwall, M., &Dahlin, E. C. (2005). Winning woman suffrage one step at a time: Social movements and the logic of the legislative process. Social Forces, 83(3), 1211-1234.
Evans, Eric. "A British Revolution in the 19th Century?" BBC News. Accessed October 4, 2015.
The citizens and leaders of the reform movements realized that without action, these movements would be nothing (DOC G). So many of them decided to step out and stand up for their cause. Without these important American leaders, our nation would not have grown into the nation it is today. Through their determination and sacrifice, they made a huge difference in expanding America’s democratic ideals by laying the foundation for religion and education, movements through abolition and temperance acts, expanding beliefs by caring for the insane, and taking a stand for personal rights.
During the late 19th and early 20th century both the Populist Party and Progressive movement wanted to preserve some things, while also addressing the need for reform. Although many of the ideas and goals of these “Third parties” were initially not legislated and considered far-fetched, many of these ideas later became fundamental laws throughout American history. The Populists and Progressives were both grass roots movements, and addressed the needs of the poor and powerless, for the Populists it was farmers and for the Progressives it was urban lower and middle class workers. These two movements attempted to bring the powerless peoples issues to national politics. The Populists and Progressives wanted to preserve some American ideals of the past, such as a sense of community and the ability for farmers and workers to live happily without economic strains. Populists were more oriented to the plight of the farmer while the Progressives included women's rights, and protection of the consumer and labor.
Although they were fighting for a worthy cause, many did not agree with these women’s radical views. These conservative thinkers caused a great road-block on the way to enfranchisement. Most of them were men, who were set in their thoughts about women’s roles, who couldn’t understand why a woman would deserve to vote, let alone want to vote. But there were also many women who were not concerned with their fundamental right to vote. Because some women were indifferent in regards to suffrage, they set back those who were working towards the greater good of the nation. However, the suffragettes were able to overcome these obstacles by altering their tactics, while still maintaining their objective.
The early years, 1870-1873, saw only limited growth for the movement. This was because Butt’s original intention was that the association would be a pressure group rather than a political party. Also Butt did not attempt to link Home Rule with other issues such as land reform and the Catholic Church was suspicious of the movement...
“Yes, I mean just that. Reform is born of need, not pity. No vital movement of the people’s has worked down, for good or evil, fermented, instead, carried up the heaving, cloggy mass. Think back through history, and you will know it. What will this lowest deep—thieves, Magdalens, negroes—do with the light filtered through ponderous Church creeds, Baconian theories, Goethe schemes?” (57)
The First National Petition was written by the Chartist movement and presented to the ‘Honourable commons of the United Kingdom’ on the 14th of June 1839, in response to the failure 1832 Great Reform Act and other government measures of the 1830s. The source can be seen to have a number of key themes occurring throughout the petition related to social, economic and political issues as well the reference to religion in the petition.