A. Plan of the Investigation
This study investigates how was the threat of war with France during John Adams’ presidency used by the Federalist party to attack the Republicans? It will look at the “Quasi-War’s” effects on the political attitudes of the time as well as legislation passed by John Adams and Congress. Specifically, the XYZ affair will be discussed as an example of the tense relations between the countries and a catalyst for the Federalist support used to gain an upper hand over the Republicans, and the Alien and Sedition Acts will be examined as an example of Federalist legislation passed against the Republicans. In addition, the reactions to the events of John Adam’s presidency and the Quasi-War will be examined. To do this, excerpts from secondary sources discussing John Adams’ entire life, as well as more focused secondary sources that examine the Alien and Sedition acts or the XYZ affair on their own will be used. Additionally, the viewpoints of Adams will be expressed primary quotes from Adams.
B. Summary of Evidence
In the late 1700s, France’s Alliance with the United States began to deteriorate due to the American passage of Jay’s Treaty with the British. In response to this they withdrew their foreign minister while refusing to accept that of the United States. In addition, they attacked American ships and stole their goods (Miller 4). This was the beginning of a period of tension that became known as the “Franco-American War”. However, war was never formally declared between the two countries (Allen 61). Over the course of this struggle, though, Adams encountered many difficulties, mainly stemming from the politics around him. In the 1790s, the French were well-liked in America, with the memory of their h...
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..."Political Consequences of the XYZ Papers." The Presidency of John Adams; the Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1957. 299-300. Print.
McCullough, David G. "Old Oak." John Adams. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001. 506. Print.
Miller, John Chester. "Chapter 1." Crisis in Freedom: The Alien and Sedition Acts. Boston: Little, Brown, 1951. 4. Print.
Moore, Wayne D. "Reconceiving Interpretive Autonomy: Insights from the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions." Constitutional Commentary Fall 1994: 315-354. Student Resources in Context. Web. 29 Mar. 2014.
Stinchcombe, William C. The XYZ Affair. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1980. 3+. Print.
Taylor, Alan. "John Adams; 1797-1801." The Reader's Companion to the American Presidency. Ed. Alan Brinkley and Davis Dyer. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2004. General OneFile. Web. 29 Mar. 2014.
The country, after winning the war of 1812, had a good deal of political nationalism, although sectionalist elements were beginning to emerge. The federalist party collapsed after the war and the Hartford convention, which diminished the party’s popularity. Therefore, as shown in Document I, the election of 1820 was very one sided, which lessened political divisions in the United States. This also showed that the American people were very united on the issues, which strengthened nationalism. By 1824 however, the strong nationalistic unity had collapsed, ushering John Quincy Adams, who would prove to be a very divisive president. One must also look at duality of the issue of the Missouri compromise. One one hand, as shown in Document F, the very idea of drawing a line across the country is wholly separatist. The tensions and divisions created with the Missouri compromise would grow, and lead to the establishment of two very different societies in the North and South. On the other hand, the line illustrated the willingness of the politicians to work together to improve the nation. This compromise was proof that though not all agreed on every issue, the goal of holding the country together was more important than north/south divisions. The “Era of Good Feelings” is an accurate name for this time period because although not all measures passed supported future unity, they demonstrated a temporary union and
In the book Founding Brothers by Joseph Ellis, the author relates the stories of six crucial historic events that manage to capture the flavor and fervor of the revolutionary generation and its great leaders. While each chapter or story can be read separately and completely understood, they do relate to a broader common theme. One of Ellis' main purposes in writing the book was to illustrate the early stages and tribulations of the American government and its system through his use of well blended stories. The idea that a republican government of this nature was completely unprecedented is emphasized through out the book. Ellis discusses the unique problems that the revolutionary generation experienced as a result of governing under the new concept of a democracy. These problems included- the interpretation of constitutional powers, the regulation of governmental power through checks and balances, the first presidential elections, the surprising emergence of political parties, states rights vs. federal authority, and the issue of slavery in a otherwise free society. Ellis dives even deeper into the subject by exposing the readers to true insight of the major players of the founding generation. The book attempts to capture the ideals of the early revolutionary generation leaders and their conflicting political viewpoints. The personalities of Hamilton, Burr, Adams, Washington, Madison, and Jefferson are presented in great detail. Ellis exposes the reality of the internal and partisan conflict endured by each of these figures in relation to each other. Ellis emphasizes that despite these difficult hurdles, the young American nation survived its early stages because of its great collection of charismatic leaders and their ability to ...
The Norton Anthology: American Literature, Volume A: Beginning to 1820. New York City: Norton & Comany, 2007.
It had seemed that ambiguity was arise in the forming nation, and was still establishing a central ideal for political issues to which it had no precedent. Would the strategy be to declare to the public a message of brutal warfare against a savage nation? Or the protection of the United States and its freedoms by a self-defensive action of declaring war against its former ally? Both would be approached vigorously by Ames to attempt to inform the public and gather a central and nationalized view in order to succeed against these heinous a...
Unfortunately, the President’s consistency with Republican principles in matters of political power was not nearly as strong as his resolve to reduce the national debt. Under Jefferson and Madison, the federal government assumed political powers that the Constitution did not allot for. While prior to his presidency, Jefferson, then a strict constructionist had argued that the government should not assume any power unless specifically provided for in the Constitution, the Louisiana Purchase where America purchased a vast tract of land for $15 million, compromised these lofty ideals. In terms of the military, Thomas Jefferson had come to power vowing to reduce military size and power. Contrary to those principles, the Barbary War, where for nearly three years the American military exercised a naval blockade of the North African coast wasted millions of dollars of the people’s money and unconstitutionally violated states rights and strict constructionist principles, in their place asserting an alien un-Republican nationalism.
The Seven Years War, or more commonly referred to as “The French and Indian War”, has been called the true First World War. In this book The French and Indian War: Deciding the Fate of North America, the author and historian Walter R. Borneman paints a detailed and elaborate picture that justifies the claim of it being the first true war of global proportions. If ever there truly was a climax to the never ending feud of the European powers that be, Borneman would like to suggest that it was The Seven Years War. Beginning roughly in 1754, the author leads us on a path of discovery that truly has no beginning and only a tentative and temporary end. The author describes in great detail the early agitations that both could have and did lead to all out war not only in Europe but throughout their global realms and reaches. Introductions are made to some of the greatest historical figures of that era and those to come, through the extensive work that the author engages in, in an attempt to grant the most detailed and comprehensive book about not only the Seven Years War, but the events that would both lead up to and follow as a result. A MUST read for any true student of history, Borneman goes further in his masterpiece by examining and explaining common misconceptions and theories that have arisen in regards to the period and war. The book truly shines however not simply in the breadth of knowledge that it provides, but also in the manner in which it does so. Borneman masterfully fits all of the many different parts of this book together in a manner that is easily understood. It is no easy feat to cover the sheer number of names, dates and events detailed in this book. Borneman manages to weave in and out of the different faction...
John Dickinson, from Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania (1768) from Voices of America Past & Present pgs. 66-67
The turmoil between the North and South about slavery brought many issues to light. People from their respective regions would argue whether it was a moral institution and that no matter what, a decision on the topic had to be made that would bring the country to an agreement once and for all. This paper discusses the irrepressible conflict William H. Seward mentions, several politician’s different views on why they could or could not co-exist, and also discusses the possible war as a result.
Parkman, Francis. A Half Century of Conflict: France and England in North America. The Floating Press, 2010.
The love story between France and America began well before the colonists called their country the United States. As early as 1523, 31 years after Columbus, Giovanni da Verrazanoi, an Italian sailor from France, traveled to the new world with a crew of Frenchmen under the banner of Francis I, King of France. They reached the Carolinas, passed New York and a year later returned to France. France was lagging behind the other great nations of Europe in exploring that new mass of land. Though France was tardy in arriving in the new world, and even though she did not try to set up colonies for many years, the men she sent out to explore America were truly pathfinders and trailblazers. Their main concern was finding a water route around or through this continent, which was blocking their attempts to sail west to reach India for trade. Another French explorer, Jacques Cartier, set off on voyages along the St. Lawrence River and claimed territories in the name of France. He did not find a Northwest Passage but h...
Before the French and Indian War, the colonies did not associate with one another. Participation in the war, as well as temporarily setting aside their economic, political, and cultural differences helped the colonies form a better relationship with each other. One of the main reasons the colonists began rebelling against the British, was because of the imposed taxation issued after the war. The Sugar and Stamp Act created riots and violence among the colonists and this colonial resistance to the British policies resulted in a new unity between the colonies. Needless to say, “by seeking to impose uniformity on the colonies rather than dealing with them individually as in the past, Parliament had inadvertently united America” (Foner 143).
The French and Indian War or the Seven Years War was one of the major events that led to the American Revolution. The French and Indian War started in 1754 when George Washington and General Edward Braddock tried to defend the British land that they felt the French were taking with their expansion into the Ohio River valley. In 1755 Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts had many French settlers in the Nova Scotia region moved from that region to avoid any confrontation if these settlers sided with their home country. These people were exiled from their home and moved into British colonies in a very cruel and violent fashion. This is one of the first examples of Britain’s oppressive nature towards people they consider a threat to what they feel is the best solution. The British military effort, at this time, was not as impassioned or successful. Both George Washington and General Braddock suffered major defeats at the hands of the French and their allies, General Braddock was even killed in one of the early battles before this war was officially started. It was not until later in the war that the British were able to successfully defeat the French. The war officially began in 1756 and ended in 1763 but this war is far less important than the major event it caused. More than anything this war was the first step to the American Revolution.
However, the author 's interpretations of Jefferson 's decisions and their connection to modern politics are intriguing, to say the least. In 1774, Jefferson penned A Summary View of the Rights of British America and, later, in 1775, drafted the Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms (Ellis 32-44). According to Ellis, the documents act as proof that Jefferson was insensitive to the constitutional complexities a Revolution held as his interpretation of otherwise important matters revolved around his “pattern of juvenile romanticism” (38). Evidently, the American colonies’ desire for independence from the mother country was a momentous decision that affected all thirteen colonies. However, in Ellis’ arguments, Thomas Jefferson’s writing at the time showed either his failure to acknowledge the severity of the situation or his disregard of the same. Accordingly, as written in the American Sphinx, Jefferson’s mannerisms in the first Continental Congress and Virginia evokes the picture of an adolescent instead of the thirty-year-old man he was at the time (Ellis 38). It is no wonder Ellis observes Thomas Jefferson as a founding father who was not only “wildly idealistic” but also possessed “extraordinary naivete” while advocating the notions of a Jeffersonian utopia that unrestrained
Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. “Thomas Morton, Historian”. The New England Quarterly, Vol. 50, No.4 (Dec., 1977), pp. 660-664. The New England Quarterly, Inc. .
The 'St. John's'. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2004. Print. The. Hermanson, Casie E.