Wait a second!
More handpicked essays just for you.
More handpicked essays just for you.
Comparison between realism and constructivism
What are the biggest differences between liberalism realism and constructivism
Social constructivism in international relations
Don’t take our word for it - see why 10 million students trust us with their essay needs.
Recommended: Comparison between realism and constructivism
Theories of international relations have allowed people to make sense of the world around them. The study of international relations is an attempt to explain relationships between the states, which is necessary due to the increase in globalization and actors involved. A majority of IR-theory focuses on the materialist aspects of world affairs, such as military forces and economic capabilities to define the behavior of the states. The Constructivism theory however, focuses on human awareness claiming that international relations are socially constructed rather than materialistically constructed (Beinur, 2011, p. 115). The theory of Constructivism best describes international relations because it is not a physical entity or material object. To understand the interactions of the states, you must focus the shared understandings that inform the actors on the international scene.
Constructivism has only become vastly accepted in recent decades, taking an entirely different approach on international relations than prior theories such as realism, liberalism and Marxism. A main difference is how the theories view anarchy. For example, realists view anarchy as a competition for resources (Bell, 2017). Constructivists argue that with the realism viewpoint that anarchy leads to war and argue that the anarchical
…show more content…
Without taking other factors into account, it would seem like the realist theory would be the best way to describe international relations and even everyday life at a lower scale. Throughout recent years however, constructivism has become more widely accepted because there are other factors that effect the wants and needs of people. Norms and culture change throughout history which is the main reason constructivism has become a more accepted theory throughout international relations (Beinur, 2011, p.
In world politics there are different theories that help actors make decisions and lead states. A theory is “a hypothesis postulating the relationship between variables of conditions advanced to describe, explain, or predict phenomena’s and make prescriptions about how to pursue particular goals and follow ethical principles.” The three different types of theories I will be discussing are realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Each theory has its own history and of course each has its problems. Leaders use these theories to make decisions and also how to reach certain goals.
...Realist International Theory and the Study of World Politics.” in New Thinking in International Relations Theory. ed. Doyle, Michael w. and G. John Ikenberry (eds.) (Westview Press: 1997).
Mearsheimer J. J. (2010). Structural Realism. International Relations Thoeries, Discipline and Diversity (Second Edition), p.77-94
middle of paper ... ... Unfortunately, this idea of a zero sum military power game does not match up with reality. Each state takes actions based on the given situation and neo-realism misses this nuance. Constructivism actually considers this more by analyzing the actors at play and their identities and interests.
Classical realism focuses on the balance of power whereas the neorealist’s theory examines the balance of power as it relates to the structure of an overall system. Realists examine “human nature at the individual level, aggressive states at the domestic level, leaders pursuing domestic and international power at the foreign policy level, and the balance of power at the systemic level” (Nau, 2012, p. 10); and, further argues that polarity between powers...
Neo-realism and Liberalism both provide adequate theories in explaining the causes of war, yet Neo-realist ideals on the structural level and states being unitary actors in order to build security, conclude that Neo-realist states act on behalf of their own self interest. The lack of collaboration with other states and balance of power among them presents a reasonable explanation on the causes of war.
The purpose of this essay is to inform on the similarities and differences between systemic and domestic causes of war. According to World Politics by Jeffry Frieden, David Lake, and Kenneth Schultz, systemic causes deal with states that are unitary actors and their interactions with one another. It can deal with a state’s position within international organizations and also their relationships with other states. In contract, domestic causes of war pertain specifically to what goes on internally and factors within a state that may lead to war. Wars that occur between two or more states due to systemic and domestic causes are referred to as interstate wars.
To begin with, anarchy refers to the world as a whole having no government. Individual states have varying degrees of supreme power or authority in their own land, but no single state may create laws for the whole world. However, while the theories discussed in this essay accept that the world is in a state of anarchy, what separates these two theories is how the government should deal with this problem. This essay tries to give an overview on the main assumptions of liberalism and realism and provide explanations of how they relate to one another as well as coexist, yet are opposite in theory. (IN TEXT)
Both of these are international relations theories. International relations theories aid the individual in better understanding why states behave the way in which they do and “several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize” (Slaughter 1). That being said, to understand offensive neorealism, one must firstly be able to know the basis of realism in itself, as well as differentiate neorealism from neoclassical realism. Stephen G. Brooks argues in his article “Dueling Realisms” that both “neorealism and postclassical realism do share important similarities: both have a systemic focus; both are state-centric; both view international politics as inherently competitive; both emphasize material factors, rather than nonmaterial factors, such as ideas and institutions; and both assume states are egoistic actors that pursue self-help” (Brooks 446). Structural realism is another term for neorealism, and both will be used interchangeably in the following case study. Aside from these shared values that both reflect, the two forms of realism both present very different or conflicting views on state behaviour. For one, neorealists believe “the international system is defined by anarchy—the absence of a central authority” (Slaughter 2) and that states take action based on the possibility of conflict, always looking at a worst-case scenario, whereas postclassical realists believe that states make decisions and take actions based on the probability of an attack or act of aggression from other states (Brooks 446). To expand on neorealism’s possibility outlook, Kenneth Waltz argues, “in the absence of a supreme authority [due to anarchy], there is then constant possibility that conflicts will be settled by force” (Brooks 447). Neorealists look at the possibility of conflict due to the potential cost of war, due to
... between the theory of liberalism and realism to find which one of the theory gives better explanation and prediction of the international relations. For instance, each theories would approach the explanation for the peaceful relations between Republic of Korea and Japan different. If the reason for the friendly relation between the two countries are due to the balance of power to counter the Chinese interest, this would be the perspective of the realist. But if the economic interdependence between the Japan and Korea caused the peaceful relations, this is the view of the liberalism. Contemporary society analyze certain issues of international relations with different perspective, but it is utterly important for individuals to approach issues of international relations from one perspective and approach from contrasting critic view to study international politic.
Classical realism originates from the ancient times of the Greek empires. This theory in international relations has dominated the sphere and the conception of world politics for centuries. Classical realists such as Morgenthau and Thucydides outline different factors in explaining politics at all levels and emphasize that politics is described throughout the theory of classical realism. Like every theory in international relations, classical realism has strengths and weaknesses that define its impact in the international level. In our current age of diplomacy, classical realism is not a common theory in current international politics. Although it is not as relevant as it has been in the past, there is potential for classical
Although realism presents a solid framework for international political structure, constructivism fills in the gaps that realism fails to address or ignores. That being said, constructivism is still not the perfect theory as it still debated and contrasted against many other critical theories. Realism presents a solid framework for the international system. However there are some gaps in it structure that it does not recognize or fails to explain. Constructivism tries to fill in these gaps. Although constructivism is good at examining problems of other theories it does not present a solid framework on its own. It relies on theories such as realism to present this framework so it can criticize it. Together realism and constructivism provide a solid framework and allows the ability to explain its shortcomings.
The first paradigm of international relations is the theory of Realism. Realism is focused on ideas of self-interest and the balance of power. Realism is also divided into two categories, classical realism and neo-realism. Famous political theorist, Hans Morgenthau was a classical realist who believed that national interest was based on three elements, balance of power, military force, and self interest (Kleinberg 2010, 32). He uses four levels of analysis to evaluate the power of a state. The first is that power and influence are not always the same thing. Influence means the ability to affect the decision of those who have the power to control outcomes and power is the ability to determine outcomes. An example of influence and power would be the UN’s ability to influence the actions of states within the UN but the state itself has the power to determine how they act. Morgenthau goes on to his next level of analysis in which he explains the difference in force and power in the international realm. Force is physical violence, the use of military power but power is so much more than that. A powerful state can control the actions of another state with the threat of force but not actually need to physical force. He believed that the ability to have power over another state simply with the threat of force was likely to be the most important element in analysis the power of as state (Kleinberg 2010, 33-34).
Kaufman, D., Parker, J., Howell P., Doty, G., (2004). Six Principles of Political Realism. In Understanding International Relations: The Value of Alternative Lenses. Morgenthau, H. J.; New York: McGraw-Hill.
The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself others have been imported, in whole or in part, from disciplines such as economics or sociology. Indeed, few social scientific theories have not been applied to the study of relations amongst nations. Many theories of international relations are internally and externally contested, and few scholars believe only in one or another. In spite of this diversity, several major schools of thought are discernable, differentiated principally by the variables they emphasize on military power, material interests, or ideological beliefs. International Relations thinking have evolved in stages that are marked by specific debates between groups of scholars. The first major debate is between utopian liberalism and realism, the second debate is on method, between traditional approaches and behavioralism. The third debate is between neorealism/neoliberalism and neo-Marxism, and an emerging fourth debate is between established traditions and post-positivist alternatives (Jackson, 2007).