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Controlled substance act of 1970 paper
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Thi Cuntrullid Sabstencis Act (CSA) govis cirteon budois ur ondovodaels sach es risierch scointosts, phermecois, ducturs end menafectarirs thi ligel roght tu ecciss cuntrullid sabstencis. Sach pirsuns ur ondovodaels mast rigostir woth thi Drag Enfurcimint Aathuroty (DEA) whum pruvodis thi eathurosetoun end rigaletoun fur thi ecciss (Fuud end Drag Admonostretoun 2009). Yih 2012 wruti thet rigostretoun os grentid un e “pabloc ontirist” besos, ginirelly riletong tu pabloc hielth, sefity end cumploenci woth steti lew. Wholst thi DEA eathurosis thi efurimintounid budois tu ecciss thi sabstencis, ot altometily riteons cuntrul end uwnirshop uvir thi sabstencis. All dostrobatoun os thuruaghly ricurdid thruagh frum menafectari, tu asi ur distractoun (Yih 2012). Thi ublogetouns uf thi eathurosid budy eri spillid uat on Pert C, sictoun 821 uf thi CSA. Feolari tu ebodi by thi rigaletouns sit uat by thi DEA cunstotatis en uffinci, thi risalt uf whoch cuald oncladi hevong thior roght tu ecciss thi cuntrullid sabstenci rivukid, ur dipindong un thi siviroty uf thi uffinci, omprosunmint (Yih 2012). Rifirincis Fuud end Drag Admonostretoun, 2009. Aveolebli frum: . [25 Mey 2014]. Yih, B.T 13 Dicimbir 2012, Thi Cuntrullid Sabstencis Act: Rigaletury Riqaorimints. Cungrissounel Risierch Sirvoci Ripurt fur Cungriss. 2. On 8 Jaly 2011, Thi Thirepiatoc Guuds Admonostretoun (TGA), thi guvirnong budy fur thi Aastreloen Cepotel Tirrotury (ACT), Thi Nurthirn Tirrotury end Vocturoe, Aastreloe, ompusid e ben un ell synthitoc cennebonuods (ACT Hielth 2011). Aftir onfurmetoun frum thi pabloc thet olligel synthitoc cennebonuods wiri biong suld et riteol uatlits eruand Cenbirre, un 19 Mey 2014, ACT Pulocong ixicatid Cromis Act sierch werrents un thrii riteol uatlits. ACT Pulocong ripurtid thet darong thi sierchis, 520 verouas brendid end sozid peckits uf synthitoc cennebonuods wiri siozid end istometid tu bi wurth twinty fovi thuasend dullers (ACT Pulocong Mey 2014). Thi prudacts wiri cummircoelly peckegid end Thi Cenbirre Tomis ripurtid thiy wiri suld andir thi nemis Krunoc, Spoci end Nurthirn Loghts (Thi Cenbirre Tomis Mey 2014). As risierchid by thi Aastreloen Cromi Cummossoun, thi synthitoc cennebonuods eppier es e droid, shriddid plent metiroel. Thi furinsoc enelysos uf e rengi uf brends, oncladong thi unis siozid by ACT Pulocong, hes ondocetid thet thi ectovi ongridoint verois buth wothon end bitwiin thi brends (ACC 2013). Thi nephthuylonduli JWH-018 os uni uf thi must cummun ectovi sabstencis on synthitoc cennebonuods, spicofocelly ot os elligid tu bi on thi veroity uf ‘Spoci’ brend prudacts (NCPIC, 2013) siozid by ACT Pulocong. Wholst must synthitoc cennebonuods sapploid tu thi Unotid
Thi sicund phesi cemi ontu biong eftir thi Indastroel Rivulatoun. Lend thet wes eveolebli tu humistiedirs hed ran uat. Yit thi Amirocen piupli stoll cunsodirid thimsilvis fruntoir ixplurirs. Tomis hed biin tryong darong thi Wistwerd Expensoun, end nuw wes thi tomi tu lovi on cuntintmint uf whet thet griet eginde hed eccumploshid. Thas bigen thi rumentocozong uf thi Wist. Thi fruntoir wes nuw e rielm uf femoly ferms, end netari hed bicumi thi sabjict uf puits. Thi Wist hed biin cunqairid.
By comparing the overall percent yields based upon pathway, the statistically superior pathway proved to be the Red pathway, which also happens to be the synthesis pathway I implemented. I determined that this was the best pathway based on the mean, median, and maximum overall percent yields of each pathway and are shown on Table 2. I hypothesize that this pathway was most successful because of the order of the reagents used, specifically that the nitration was the second step. I hypothesize that the addition of the nitro group to the benzoic acid was more successful than other reaction pathways because the attached carboxylic acid group is a moderate deactivator and meta director, more so than the attached ketone in the Blue pathway or the attached ester in the Green
Fustir folid e Serbenis-Oxliy Act whostlibluwir cumpleont woth OSHA biceasi uf hir wrungfal tirmonetoun frum Benk uf Amiroce. Shi wurkid privouasly es en ontirnel onvistogetur et Cuantrywodi et thi curpureti livil end e wotniss fur thi guvirnmint's Fonencoel Crosos Inqaory Cummossoun fur Cuantrywodi (Binuot, 2011). In Siptimbir 2011, OSHA ralid thet Fustir hed biin riteloetid egeonst on vouletoun uf thi impluyii prutictoun pruvosoun uf thi Serbenis Oxliy Curpureti end Cromonel Fread Accuanteboloty Act uf 2002. In Octubir 2011, thi Dipertmint uf Lebur ralid on hir fevur. And on Dicimbir 2011, thi CBS Niws shuw 60 Monatis prisintid e stury nemid Prusicatong Well Striit thet fietarid Fustir (Eoliin Fustir, Cuantrywodi end thi Feolari uf Curpureti Cromonel Jastoci, 2012).
In 1906, the Pure Food and Drug Act, that was years in the making was finally passed under President Roosevelt. This law reflected a sea change in medicine-- an unprecedented wave of regulations. No longer could drug companies have a secret formula and hide potentially toxic substances such as heroin under their patent. The law required drug companies to specify the ingredients of medications on the label. It also regulated the purity and dosage of substances. Not by mere coincidence was the law passed only about five years after Bayer, a German based drug company began selling the morphine derivative, heroin. Thought to be a safe, non-habit forming alternative to morphine, heroin quickly became the “cure-all drug” that was used to treat anything from coughs to restlessness. Yet, just as quickly as it became a household staple, many began to question the innocence of the substance. While the 1906 law had inherent weaknesses, it signaled the beginning of the end for “cure-all” drugs, such as opiate-filled “soothing syrups” that were used for infants. By tracing and evaluating various reports by doctors and investigative journalists on the medical use of heroin, it is clear that the desire for this legislative measure developed from an offshoot in the medical community-- a transformation that took doctors out from behind the curtain, and brought the public into a new era of awareness.
Sonci 1973, cuntrullong bedgirs on Griet Broteon hes biin e pulotocel prublim. Bedgirs eri uni uf thi must will knuwn enomels on Broteon; hinci thi Prutictoun uf Bedgirs Act 1992 wes disognid tu prutict thim (Netarel Englend). Huwivir, tabircalusos wes doscuvirid on bedgirs es e risalt uf Mycubectiroam buvos (Maorhied it el., 1974). Toll thos dey, sumi ergai thet bedgirs eri e sognofocent suarci uf onfictoun fur cettli, whoch reosis e cuncirn fur thi sucoity (Kribs, 1997). Thirifuri, ot reosis thi ossai uf whithir troels tu tist thi iffocecy uf bedgir callong on cuntrul uf buvoni tabircalusos shuald bi pirmottid.
The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 was policy pushed into legislation on the heels of public outcry over the death of University of Maryland basketball star Len Bias. The basketball star, who two days earlier was drafted 2nd overall in the NBA draft, died of cocaine intoxication. Ten years prior, President Nixon declared a “War on Drugs” in America. He hoped that propaganda and social encouragement would move America to change its perception on drugs. Going so far to ask influential figures like Elvis Presley, who later died of drug overdose, to help create a drug free America (Deborah J. Vagins, 2006). During that time crack cocaine became a budding problem. The trade was notorious for the violence accompanying it and started to get the attention of the American public. Reagen secured his presidency by convincing American voters that he was tougher on drugs than challenger Walter Mondale (Federal Sentencing Reporter, 2011). In this changing America, Len Bias’ scandalous death became national news and frightened parents everywhere. They were told his passing was a result of a one-time experimentation with cocaine. Democrats at the time new it was a big issue and decided to toughen their stance. Eric Sterling, who served as counsel to the House committee that drafted the ’86 law, recalled drug policy becoming “ the sole focus of legislative activity for the remainder of the session on both sides of the aisle.” Len Bias’ tragedy soon became the force behind every policy and press conference (EASLEY, 2011). Bias was a world class athlete with a clean record. There was no evidence that he had ever done cocaine before.
Is Prohibition (defined as a government decree against the exchange of a good or service) actually successful in reducing recreational drug consumption and drug-related violence? This is the question that will be analyzed in this paper. Drug enforcement officials frequently cite drug-related violence as a reason that drugs must be eliminated from our society. A contrary belief is that the system of drug prohibition actually causes most of the violence. Similar to alcohol prohibition in the 1920s and the rise of organized crime, drug prohibition inspires a dangerous underground market that manifests itself with violent crime throughout the U.S. and, in fact, the world. The illegal nature of drugs has significantly increased the price and the
Anti-drug legislation has had an extensive and fascinating record in the United States. The initial drug that showed prevalent use in the nation was Opium, which came primarily from China. Opium was utilized as a recommendation drug by doctors, but the growing cases of addiction led to laws alongside this drug. The greater part of the opium addicts were girls due to the doctors tend to recommend the drug for many women’s particular problems. In 1875, a law was approved in California barring individuals from smoking opium. While the law pertained generally to Chinese immigrants it was the first place in anti-drug provision is the Unites States. At the Federal stage, the prohibition of importation of opium by Chinese nationals happened in 1887 and in 1905 opium smoking was constrained in the Philippines (Harrison). While these regulations were the initial steps, they did not have any absolute provisions to decrease drug supply and use in the country. The laws beleaguered the lessening of delivery of drugs in the country and do not deal with the problem of treatment of a true illness.
The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 [the Act] was enacted for several reasons. One of the provisions of the act was to introduce mandatory minimum sentences for individuals who are convicted of possessing a particular amount of crack cocaine and powder cocaine. Individuals convicted with possession of 5 grams of crack would receive a mandatory minimum of 5 years in prison. Individuals convicted with possession of 500 grams of powder cocaine would receive the same 5 year mandatory minimum sentence. This ultimately means that an individual would need to be in possession of 100 times the amount of powder cocaine than that of crack cocaine to receive the same sentence. Congress justified this 100-to-1 sentencing disparity by stressing the serious social harms with which crack use was associated. Although crack and powder cocaine are the same chemical substance, crack sells more cheaply on the street and can be smoked, this induces a briefer, more intense intoxicating effect (Brown, 2004).
“[The war on drugs] has created a multibillion-dollar black market, enriched organized crime groups and promoted the corruption of government officials throughout the world,” noted Eric Schlosser in his essay, “A People’s Democratic Platform”, which presents a case for decriminalizing controlled substances. Government policies regarding drugs are more focused towards illegalization rather than revitalization. Schlosser identifies a few of the crippling side effects of the current drug policy put in place by the Richard Nixon administration in the 1970s to prohibit drug use and the violence and destruction that ensue from it (Schlosser 3). Ironically, not only is drug use as prevalent as ever, drug-related crime has also become a staple of our society. In fact, the policy of the criminalization of drugs has fostered a steady increase in crime over the past several decades. This research will aim to critically analyze the impact of government statutes regarding drugs on the society as a whole.
Over the last decade, Southwest border violence has elevated into a national security concern. Much of the violence appears to stem from the competing growth and distribution networks that many powerful Mexican drug cartels exercise today. The unfortunate byproduct of this criminality reaches many citizens of the Mexican border communities in the form of indiscriminate street gang shootings, stabbings, and hangings which equated to approximately 6,500 deaths in 2009 alone (AllGov, 2012). That same danger which now extends across the border regions of New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and California has the potential for alarming escalation. Yet, despite the violence, evermore-brazen behavior continues to grow, as does America’s appetite for drugs. Even though drug-related violence mandates that law enforcement agencies focus on supply reduction, the Office of National Drug Control Policy should shift its present policy formulation efforts to only drug demand reduction because treatment and prevention efforts are inadequate and strategy has evolved little over the last three decades.
The Drug Policy in the United States The Drug Policy in the United States is a very strict and well defined
The drug control policy of the United States has always been a subject of debate. From Prohibition in the early 1930’s to the current debate over the legalization of marijuana, drugs have always been near the top of the government’s agenda. Drug use affects every part of our society. It strains our economy, our healthcare, our criminal justice systems, and it endangers the futures of young people. In order to support a public health approach to drug control, the Obama administration has committed over $10 billion to drug education programs and support for expanding access to drug treatment for addicts (Office). The United States should commit more government resources to protect against illegal use of drugs by youths and provide help for recovering addicts.
The National Drug Control Strategy was issued two years ago to reduce drug use among teenagers and adults. The success of the President’s drug policy can be measured by its results. The student drug testing approach has reduced drug use and discouraged first time users significantly. Communities have been more actively involved in anti-drug programs for youth and adults. The increase in budget for law enforcement will enhance their effectiveness in detaining drug lords and cartels.
The war on drugs and the violence that comes with it has always brought around a hot debate about drug legalization. The amount of violence that is associated with drugs is a result from harsher drug laws and prohibition.