The Cases Of Bosnia, Haiti And Somalia In The Early 1990ies And Their Importance To American Foreign Policy Values.

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In my paper "The undone change of American Foreign Policy after the Cold War" I addressed the inability of the U.S. institutions to meet the newly created challenges of the post-Cold War world. I argued that due to a lack of leadership, especially by the President, the opportunity to "reconfigure" U.S. foreign policy institutions; supported by an absent corresponding ideology; the U.S. had missed its chance to change its foreign policy in the post-Cold War world.

America as the new superpower, the economically and military strongest nation on the globe had to meet new challenges. The Kuwait threat by Saddam Hussein definitely posed a first example. The Bush administration had to act on an Iraqi dictator that had attacked one of their allies in the, to U.S. interests very important Middle East region.

Another challenge was coming from Somalia, a country not very well known to the American public, before the media initiated TV coverage about starvation and the brutality of the local civil war there in 1991. Further, the end of Communism questioned the further existence of the multicultural nation of Yugoslavia, which threatened to fall apart and involve in a civil war. Finally, the president of America's poorest nation Haiti was overthrown by locals, which had to be dealt with, since this happened in America's backyard.

What was the major strategy applied by the United States in these cases? How would the most powerful nation react, lead or response to the threats? As I pointed out before, there was no stringent course recognizable. America reacted in every case differently with no clear guidelines to use of force or national interest visible. To prove this statement, I will take a look at the lecture of each case and draw...

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...here has been a slow transformation process of the American foreign policy. It moved away from seeing the threat of the "Evil Empire" towards the approach to promote American democracy all over the world.

As seen by the terrorist attacks of September 11th and afterwards this is not an easy approach, if even possible, and it asks for a unreserved commitment, the clear definition of interests within the international system, it asks for the use of force if necessary as well as the clear distinction when not, and it asks for a transformation of institutions and policies. Since this was not done early on, the examples provide the reasons of failure as well as a demonstration of a slow learning process in U.S. foreign Policy.

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