The word "Bontoc" is derived from the two morphemes "bun" and "tuk" which means "heap" and "top" respectively (Andres 2004). "Igorot" is the umbrella term for the indigenous mountain people of the Philippines. The Bontoc Igorots refers to the people of the present Mountain province living in the subdivision known as the Bontoc region. The Bontoc Igorots are a unique Filipino ethnic group with a distinct culture. This unique culture is reflected in the people and their living conditions, economy, religion and religious practices. The life of a Bontoc native is molded by the discipline of the community that is enforced by their indigenous beliefs, religion, and practices. These cultural aspects are seen in their rituals performed for crop production, marriage, sickness and death, and their unique headhunting practice.
The Bontoc proper lies north of the city of Baguio on the island of Luzon. The Bontoc region is accessible through the Halsema Highway, which is the only main road that leads to the region. The municipatality of Bontoc is measured to be 396.10 square kilometers, which includes the town with its villages, called barrios. There are 15 specified barrios within Bontoc region. The total population in the region in 1976 was 17,580 (Botengen 1976) and has risen to 24,798 according to the latest census in 2012 (Jenks 2005).
The living conditions of the Bontoc natives can be seen in their indigenous structures as well as their access to water and electricity. There are three types of Bontoc indigenous structures: an afong, which is a residence house, an ator, which is a place for communal activity, and an akhamang, which is a small rice granery. The ator is a social, political, and religious institution and in w...
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...r unique headhunting practice. Even with changing times, the strong continuity in indigenous beliefs will provide a rich culture for the future generations of Bontoc people.
Works Cited
Andres, Tomas D. Understanding the Values of the Bontoc & the Bakun Jgorots. Quezon City: Giraffe, 2004. Print.
Botengan, Kate Chollipas. Bontoc Life-ways: A Study in Education and Culture. Manila: Capitol House, 1976. Print.
Cawed, Carmencita. The Culture of the Bontoc Igorot. Manila: MCS Enterprises, 1972. Print.
Fry, Howard Tyrrell. A History of the Mountain Province. Quezon City, Philippines: New Day, 1983. Print.
Jenks, Albert E. The Bontoc Igorot. N.p.: n.p., 2005. Print.
Krutak, Lars. "Return of the Headhunters: The Philippine Tattoo Revival by Lars Krutak." Return of the
Headhunters: The Philippine Tattoo Revival by Lars Krutak. N.p., n.d. 2007. Web. 9 Dec. 2013.
Marjorie Shostak, an anthropologist who had written this book had studies the !Kung tribe for two years. Shostak had spent the two years interviewing the women in the society. The !Kung tribe resided n the Dobe area of Northwest Botswana, that’s infused with a series of clicks, represented on paper by exclamation points and slashes. Shostak had studied that the people of the tribe relied mostly on nuts of the mongongo, which is from an indigenous tree that’s part of their diet.
Mi’kmaq was the spelling of a tribe of Indians that had first contact with European explorers in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Through the years, the name has been changed to what we know today as Mic Mac. The word Mi’kmaq derives from the word nikmak, which means “my kin-friends” or allies. The rich and descriptive Mi’kmaq language was a member of the Algonkin family. Although every Mi’kmaq can understand each other, the dialect varies between bands. For example, the Mi’kmaq spoken in Quebec differs from that in Nova Scotia. The Mi’kmaq tribe settled in southwestern New Foundland in 1630. They were the “first nation people” (Nova Scotia 1) of Nova Scotia and later also settled in New England. They are the dominant tribe in the Canadian Maritimes and are f Roman Catholic faith, (Nova Scotia 1; Wallis and Wallis14, 21-22; Sultzman 1).
Vol. 8. Chicago, IL: World Book, 2009. Print. G Freeman, Shanna.
Now you must know how they lived. What they lived in, how they built their homes, and such. U-ma-cha is the named of the home they lived in. Much like a "tee-pee", These homes were made of the thick bark of the Sequoia Redwoods. Mud and dirt was piled on the bottom of these homes, to keep water and rodents out, and heat in. They were at times coated with a layer of pine needles. About 8-15 feet in diameter, these homes were small. They did not bathe, but instead sat in sweat houses until they sweat the smell off and then ran out and jumped in a cold stream (Chilly Willy). Most slept on Deerskins, but a few slept on willow frames lifting them only inches from the ground, while the chief slept on a bearskin. The fire, at the center of each U-ma-cha, was used for cooking and heat. It was vital to have this fire burning constantly. There was also a ceremonial sweat house used for special ceremonies. This had a roof of 5 inches thick and was in the center of the village.
The way of the Ju/‘hoansi life has changed dramatically in many ways throughout the years. However, it is still possible to reflect upon their original way of life and compare it with their present state of living. Most of the changes occurred due to environmental, economical, developmental, social and cultural changes. All of which play a vital role in determining a Ju’s way of life. Although the land of the Dobe and !Kangwa have developed and changed in recent years, there are still some remnants of how the environment used to be. A significant shift in social and cultural aspects of the Ju/‘hoansi life can be observed in the new environment. However, some important aspects of their culture and belief system are still reflected in their everyday lives.
The film Ongka’s Big Moka is about a Big Man named Ongka of the Kawelka tribe in Papua New Guinea. Being the Big Man of the tribe Ongka reasures his status by arranging a Moka ceremony. In this film we see the process of a Moka that takes up to 5 years of preparation. We follow Ongka’s struggles and successes of accumulating the number of pigs in preparation for the ceremony. The film allows us to understand the motives and functions of a Moka, provides topics that have been discussed in class, and relate this culture to a similar institution within the United States.
The furnishings found in each hut also provide indications of how the people lived. In the centre of all the huts lay a fireplace that is thought to be the only source of heat and light in the entire hou...
Bastien, B. (2011). Blackfoot ways of knowing: The worldview of the siksikaitsitapi. Calgary, Alberta: University of Calgary Press.
Quapaw, Osage, and Caddo have many similarities as well as differences. For example: their religion, food acquisition, food production, and social structure. In this essay, there will be comparisons between the tribes as well as distinctive differences in each tribe. In this paper, information about these tribes will be further explored.
Holism is present and the importance of nature and the maintenance of a traditional life-style (stick four). Through McLeod’s (2007) work we see a bond between landscape and other beings. “Through ceremonies, prayers, and songs, the Nehiyawak were able to communicate with other beings and the powers of the land around them, the Atayohkanak, the spiritual grandfathers and grandmothers” (p. 26). McLeod goes on to state that the power of ceremonies in a relationship is not limited to a human-to-human relationship. For example, “[t]he pipe stem is significant for the Nehiiyawak, the Dene and other Indigenous nations as a way of concluding arrangements… [it] was more than… a way of sealing political arrangements… it was a way of making and affirming relationships with the land, of honouring the spiritual powers who dwelt where the people were living.” (McLeod, 2007, p. 27) As well, language is a reoccurring theme. McLeod (2007) attributes much of the continuity of the Cree people to maintaining language which is often through the elders (in his instance, his
The books author, James (Sákéj) Youngblood Henderson came to write this book as a result of living with his wife, Marie Battiste (a celebrated Mi’kmaw scholar and educator) in her Mi’kmaq community of Eskasoni (10). It was the community of Eskasoni that compelled Henderson to compile their histories in a form that would not disrupt the Mi’kmaq worldviews, culture and spirituality they represent but as well easily conveyable to non-Aboriginal peoples.
During his research Barker utilizes a series of methods in his quest to understand these indigenous people, from this he was able to capture his readers and make them understand issues that surround not only people form third worlds; but how these people and their struggles are related to us. By using ethnographic methods, such as: interviews,participant observation, key consultants/informants,detailed note-taking/ census, and controlled historical comparisons. In these practices Barker came to understand the people and their culture, of which two things became a big subject in his book. The first being Tapa, “a type of fiber made from bark that the Maisin people use as a stable for cloths and other cloth related uses. Defining both gender roles and history; proving income and also a symbol of identity to the people” (Barker 5-6). And the other being their forest, of which logging firms the Maisin and Non Government Organizations (NGO’s), had various views, wants and uses for the land. Logging firms wished to clear the area to plant cash crops such as oil palms, while the NGO’s wanted the land to remain safe; all the while the Maisin people were caught in the middle by the want to preserve their ancestors lands and the desperate need to acquire cash. With these two topics highlighted throughout Barkers ethnography the reader begins is journey into understanding and obtaining questions surrounding globalization and undeveloped
Kosut, M. (2006). An Ironic Fad: The Commodification And Consumption Of Tattoos. The Journal of Popular Culture, 39(6), 1035-1048. Retrieved November 29, 2013, from http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2006.00333.x
“The impact on the world today through the history and visual reasoning behind tattoos, lead to the inquiry of personal life changing experiences.
Indigenous Knowledge (IK) can be broadly defined as the knowledge and skills that an indigenous (local) community accumulates over generations of living in a particular environment. IK is unique to given cultures, localities and societies and is acquired through daily experience. It is embedded in community practices, institutions, relationships and rituals. Because IK is based on, and is deeply embedded in local experience and historic reality, it is therefore unique to that specific culture; it also plays an important role in defining the identity of the community. Similarly, since IK has developed over the centuries of experimentation on how to adapt to local conditions. That is Indigenous ways of knowing informs their ways of being. Accordingly IK is integrated and driven from multiple sources; traditional teachings, empirical observations and revelations handed down generations. Under IK, language, gestures and cultural codes are in harmony. Similarly, language, symbols and family structure are interrelated. For example, First Nation had a