Social Disorganization Theory: Shaw And Mckay

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Name of theory Social Disorganization Theory (pp. 266-273, 503-504 in text) Author(s) of theory Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay Major ideas behind theory. Social Disorganization Theory, also known as the Chicago School theory of criminology, is inspired by the contemporaneous studies at the University of Chicago that endeavored to assess how cities grow from an ecological perspective (273). Coined by Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay, Social Disorganization Theory focused on “why certain neighborhoods have more social problems, such as delinquency, than others?” (266). In response, Shaw and McKay highlighted antecedent factors - such as physical dilapidation, poverty and heterogeneity along with other social ills (like a highly transitory populace, …show more content…

Contrary to Social Darwinism, Shaw and McKay argued that this correlation is not the making of the particular culture or ethnic features of the residents in that area (268). Rather, the environmental factors prone to crime limit the ability of the poor, heterogenous residents of the worn out area to organize themselves and the neighborhood in order to contain and reduce crime and delinquency (267-268). Observing this correlation between widespread and recurrent social ills and high rates of crime and delinquency almost always in neighborhoods located in the transitional Zone II of the Burgess’ concentric circles (with the exception of the northern coast of Lake Michigan) (266-268) endorsed their argumentation. These are urban …show more content…

There are several criticisms addressed to the Social Disorganization Theory. Firstly, Shaw and McKay have been criticized for not measuring their main focus in detail, namely the characteristics and the extent of social disorganization. However, this criticism was rebutted by studies that included valid measures of social disorganization and found out that the model still remains valid (270). Secondly, the onus put by Shaw and McKay on the macro-level, or better-said, on the structure of the issue at hand has been criticized for not taking into account questions on micro-level, better-said, the individualistic determiners, such as why some youngsters in the worst areas do not become offenders while those living in the best districts (even though very few) do so (270). This criticism was also extenuated by the previous studies of Shaw, where he had focused on the individual level of analysis as well (266, 270). Thirdly, this theoretical perspective appears to be negligent of its exceptions. There is not a clear-cut explanation for the reasons why despite remining in Zone II, the Golden coast does not display the features of neighborhoods, where social ills and crime rates correlate (270). There is not an explanation on why there is a low crime rate in neighborhoods, where Japanese Americans live predominantly (268). Most importantly, this model is silent about possible solutions for the social problems it takes at hand. Such silence stems

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