Before the lead up to the Iraq War in 2003, Esquire Magazine published an article by Mr. Thomas P.M. Barnett titled, “The Pentagon’s New Map“, outlining his thoughts on how the United States should construct a new military strategy to correspond with the new global security threats brought about by globalization and the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The strategy he proposed centered on the idea that the United States’ military needed to engage countries disconnected from the globalized world’s rules and norms . He categorized these non-globalized countries into a group he called the “Non-integrating Gap”, or simply the Gap, and those countries in the globalized world, like the United States, into a group he called the “Functioning Core, or simply …show more content…
Barnett, on the other hand, seemed to argue that China should not even be considered a threat to the United States. At one point in the article, he stated, “the September 11 attacks did the U. S. national-security establishment a huge favor by pulling us back from the abstract planning of future high-tech wars against "near peers" into the here-and-now threats to global order” . Although he does not directly name China in that statement, it can be inferred he is talking about China and as well as Russia. At this point in time, Mr. Barnett was likely influenced to view the future security relationship between the United States and China because of perceived shared battle against terrorism he believed the United States and China shared. To represent this, Mr. Barnett brought up the Uyghur uprisings in China’s most western province . However, by insinuating that the United States and China were fighting the same enemy in the war on terror vastly showed Mr. Barnett’s weak understanding of the legitimate concerns of the the Uyghur resistance movement against the Chinese government’s attempts to populate the western province with ethnic Chinese and Al Qaeda’s goal of destroying the United States and spreading globally Islamic
...ities as a responsible state holder. One of the consequences of the international community questioning China’s military capabilities is that the international community could potentially induce an unproductive arms race with China. If China is to participate in the race, China will have a weakened competitive position in the races of economic and intellectual strength. Secondly, China will lose the ability to use its army as a form of soft power therefore making it harder to believe that China can be a responsible state holder since it will seem like propaganda. In terms of China, the world is in a very exciting position with the promotion of the China’s model an alternative governing system is being offered. However, we need to remain vigilant and aware for just as quickly as China rose, it has the potential to fall as well if it doesn’t play it’s cards right.
Host: On September the 11th 2001, the notorious terror organisation known as Al-Qaeda struck at the very heart of the United States. The death count was approximately 3,000; a nation was left in panic. To this day, counterterrorism experts and historians alike regard the event surrounding 9/11 as a turning point in US foreign relations. Outraged and fearful of radical terrorism from the middle-east, President Bush declared that in 2001 that it was a matter of freedoms; that “our very freedom has come under attack”. In his eyes, America was simply targeted because of its democratic and western values (CNN News, 2001). In the 14 years following this pivotal declaration, an aggressive, pre-emptive approach to terrorism replaced the traditional
Schweitzer, Y., & Shay, S. (2003). The globalization of terror: The challenge of al-qaida and the response of the international community. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers.
In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, President George W. Bush reached out to the world to back the U.S. in a war to eradicate terrorism. One of the more surprising participants in this coalition, China, had until that point been at odds with U.S. policy but seemed to find sufficient common ground with the U.S. to support the war. In recent months however, China has not been lauded for unprecedented cooperation with its “strategic competitor” but has instead been criticized for using the war on terror as carte blanche to step up its “Strike Hard” campaign in the Uigher Xinjiang Autonomous Region in the northwest, resulting in unprecedented numbers of executions of political prisoners, a suspension of free religious worship, and a general decline in respect for human rights. The western media has claimed that Beijing had been waiting for a chance to crack down on Uigher separatists and is now behaving as an opportunist to pursue these goals while the U.S. is in no position to decry its behavior. However, this opportunism argument only explains some of the recent actions in Xinjiang; in this paper I will seek to show that Beijing’s increased policing of Xinjiang serves primarily to demonstrate to the international community that it will not be excluded from Central Asia.
middle of paper ... ... The U.S. in a sense used the Mujahideen to defeat the Soviet Union but in the end radical groups would turn on the U.S. with terrorist attacks. The Soviet-Afghan War saw the end of communism but the rise of terrorism. Afghanistan would continue to be a breeding ground for terrorist groups and the U.S. would get involved in Afghanistan in 2001 to fight Taliban and Al Qaeda groups, who developed after the Soviet-Afghan War.
Beck, Bernard. "Your Worst Nightmare: The Siege, American History X, And Our Views Of Enemies, Foreign And Domestic." Multicultural Perspectives 1.3 (1999): 19. Academic Search Premier. Web. 23 Nov. 2013.
Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power: US Relations with China since 1949, (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1995), 96.
This book is written from a perspective foreign to most Americans. Historically, American students are taught from a single perspective, that being the American perspective. This approach to history (the single perspective) dehumanizes the enemy and glorifies the Americans. We tend to forget that those on the opposing side are also human.
His chapter about China’s rise logically shows the breadth of the situation and makes it clear why the United States could never tolerate a rising China. The breadth of the last chapter, however impressive, showcases one of the flaws of realist scholars, who selectively regard and disregard domestic politics to suit their argumentative needs. Mearsheimer is not immune to this
Obviously when talking about global security, there needs to actually be the security aspect of it. Such aspect comes from the military itself. The military’s role is to protect both the people of the public and private sectors. Due to this, the military can play the most important role of the three. With being the most important of the three, there also comes the time that needs to be put within it to make sure that this part can function at its maximum potential. Allowing the military to function at its maximum potential allows the public and private to feel at ease with their safety. This does not only constitute for the United States, but all over the entire
78, no. 1, pp. 137-146. 5 (3), 27-45, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Sino-US-relations1.pdf 9. Wang, Hui, “U.S.-China: Bonds and Tensions”, RAND Corporation, 257-288, n.d., http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1300/MR1300.ch12.pdf 10. Yuan, Jing- Dong, “Sino-US Military Relations Since Tiananmen: Restoration, Progress, and Pitfalls”, Spring 2003, http://strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/parameters/articles/03spring/yuan.pdf 11. Yan, Xuetong. "
The unprecedented terrorist attacks at the key economic, political, and military power centers in the United States on September 11, 2001 led to immediate restrictive measures among states in the global north and the international community as a whole. The perceived unprecedented threat of international terrorism had to be confronted with nothing less than a global “war on terrorism”. As a nation, Americans were born fighting; therefore, Americans will stop at nothing to protect their rights in the nation. Citizens who condone this type of patriotism – those who condone violence inflicted upon other nations other than their own show that they are complicit with a terrorist regime. The Reluctant Fundamentalist, written by Mohsin Hamid, resonates
Since the initial warming of U.S.-China relations in the early 1970’s, policymakers have had difficulty balancing conflicting U.S. policy concerns in the People’s Republic of China. In the strange world of diplomacy between the two, nothing is predictable. From Nixon to Clinton, presidents have had to reconcile security and human rights concerns with the corporate desire for expanded economic relations between the two countries. Nixon established ties with Mao Zedong’s brutal regime in 1972. And today Clinton’s administration is trying to influence China’s course from within a close economic and diplomatic relationship.
Ng, Teddy. “Rise of China’s Military and Economic Power Leaves the Rest of the World Wary.” South China Morning Post. South China Morning Post Publishers. 20 Sep 2012. Web. 10 Mar 2014.
... if we are to disregard Luciani’s deconstruction of the concept of modernity as explored above – which casts doubt over what it means to be modern – it is clear that even in Lipset's terms, modern day China is a testament to the failure of modernization's teleology. As yet, there are no signs of burgeoning political freedom or free elections despite the rising power of the country and the very real probability that it may soon challenge America's coveted 'last remaining superpower' status. Despite the superficial presence of MacDonald's, it remains fundamentally unrecognizable to Western eyes, and there seems to be little chance of it turning to democracy, so long as the regime continues to exercise authoritarian rule by denying a culture of openness in purported favour of one of ‘collective security’.