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Ethical dilemmas using normative theories
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Article Summary American (and other Western) democratic political theory: Legitimizes decisions made through elective and legislative processes. Places a high value on participation and representation. Fears the “king” or, in modern terms, authoritarianism. Rejects transfer of decisions (often called “discretion” in public administration literature) to administrators. Basic Issue, Part 1 Are the servants of the public to decide their own course, or is their course, or is their course of action to be decided by a body outside themselves? My answer is that the servants of the public are not to decide their own course; they are to be responsible to the elected representatives of the public, and these are to determine the course of action of the public servants to the most minute degree that is technically feasible. It has long been customary to distinguish between policy-making and policy execution. But while the distinction has a great deal of value as a relative matter of emphasis, it cannot any longer be accepted in this absolute form. Public policy, to put it flatly, is a continuous process, the formulation of which is inseparable from its execution. Public policy is being formed as it is being executed, and it is likewise being executed as it is being formed. This view is controversial to Carl J. Friedrich.This objection looks like a simple assertion that however desirable representative participation may be in normative political theory, it is unachievable in practice if that is Friedrich’s claim, is it (a) a claim about ethics, or (b) relevant to ethics? Friedrich makes at least two more claims. He says that: The problems that governments face are too complicated to be solved by legislation. To solve them by legislation ...
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...ose” means is complex? However, it seems clear that Finer’s seemingly mechanistic sense of carrying out orders excludes choice. Thus, those compliant with Finer’s standard are not only NOT responsible, they are incapable of responsibility. The concept is irrelevant to what they are doing. The fact that the defendant acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior shall not free him from responsibility, neither the Nuremberg Tribunal nor Carl Friedrich got to the most important reason why administrators must have discretion. Friedrich got close. It helps to know that he also served as translator for the political writings of Immanuel Kant. The view advocated by Finer violates Kant’s Categorical Imperative, by treating government employees as means but not ends -- that is, by denying them voice in critical decisions in their own work -- thus it is immoral.
Why is it we give authority to certain people? What allows us to test them? In the book All Quiet on the Western Front Remarque questions what power we put into figures of authority from seeing how they view Kantorek, the Kaiser and Himmelstoss.
Authority can only become an issue once the rights of the individual are being impinged, a concept represented in both V for Vendetta and the Stanford Prison Experiment. These two texts, along with the study of the concept of authority and the individual, have expanded my understanding of myself, individuals and the world. It has especially broadened my knowledge on the crossover of the concept, the ability for the individual to have authority and the ability for both sides to be perceived as good or bad and the power of a person’s individuality. “The line between good and evil is permeable and almost anyone can be induced to cross it when pressured by situational forces.”
In “Consequentialism and Integrity,” Bernard Williams criticizes consequentialism on the ground that it is inherently unreasonable due to its insistence on negative responsibility, and as a result, denies the agent integrity. Peter Railton’s “Alienation, Consequentialism, and the Demands of Morality” is a response to Williams and a defense of consequentialism. In the following essay, I will explain Williams’s attack on consequentialism, and Railton’s argument that consequentialism need not deny the agent integrity. I will then consider an objection to Railton’s argument, and then evaluate a possible Railtonian response.
Both Becker and Carnegie’s writings encourage a democratic government, believing it ultimately benefits society when implement...
Janda, K., Berry, J., Golman, J., & Hula, K. (2009). The Challenge of Democracy: American
In legal theory, there is a great debate over whether or not law should be used to enforce morality. The sides of the debate can be presented as a continuum. At one end, there is the libertarian view, which holds that morality is an individual belief and that the state should not interfere in the affairs of the individual. According to this view, a democracy cannot limit or enforce morality. At the other end, there is the communitarian position, which justifies the community as a whole deciding what moral values are, and hence justifies using the law to enforce community values. For libertarians, judges should play a prominent role in limiting the state, while for communitarians, judges should have as small a role as possible. In between these two extremes sit the liberal egalitarians, who attempt to reconcile democratic decision-making about moral values with liberalism. The problem is made more complex when one considers that both law and morality are contested concepts. Two recent cases where this continuum can be illustrated are Canada [Attorney-General] vs. Mossap, and Egan vs. Canada. In this essay, I will attempt to explore some of the issues produced in these two cases. I will begin with a summary each case, followed by an analysis of the major themes involved. I will then place the issues in a larger, democratic framework, and explore the role of law in enforcing morality in a democracy. I will then prove how the communitarian position - as articulated by Patrick Devlin - supports the decisions given in Mossap and Egan, and how even the great proponents of libertarianism - Mill and von Hayek - would agree that the decisions were just. A conclusion will then follow.
House Bill 5 is a dense legislative bill describing the new requirements for graduation from Texas High Schools. The bill specifically addresses four areas of concern including: curriculum, assessment, accountability and higher education (Texas Association of School Administrators).
In Huemer’s The Problem Of Political Authority an argument is made against the idea of a political authority. The idea in this argument is that the government has certain rights that do not pertain to the citizens as well. The purpose of this paper is to show that Huemer’s argument fails by arguing a consent-based response to Huemer’s criticisms, which shows that the government does not actually violate a “social contract” made with society. The idea behind this is that we have actually consented to the government’s authority in several ways without being explicit.
Dye, T. R., Zeigler, H., & Schubert, L. (2012). The Irony of Democracy (15th ed.).
The political culture that defines American politics shows that despite this compromise, America is still very much a democratic society. The very history of the country, a major contributor to the evolution of its political culture, shows a legacy of democracy that reaches from the Declaration of Independence through over two hundred years to today’s society. The formation of the country as a reaction to the tyrannical rule of a monarchy marks the first unique feature of America’s democratic political culture. It was this reactionary mindset that greatly affected many of the decisions over how to set up the new governmental system. A fear of simply creating a new, but just as tyrannic... ...
In the field of Public Administration there is a highly-defined structure of constitutional, legal, and procedural requirements that are in place to keep those in power in check. That being said, no matter how stringent the oversight, or how well-meaning the intentions of those who serve, Public Service is a complicated field with many landmines to navigate. As the Iran-Contra Affair illustrates, duties, orders, and responsibilities and can easily conflict with each other because there are so many areas of
Landy, Marc and Sidney M. Milkis. American Government: Balancing Democracy and Rights. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 2004.
He expresses his concerns on the context in how it is used, as he gives examples of both the courts and American legislature bypassing special acts or utilizing their veto power to use and fluctuate between the duties of both politics and administration. He indicates that the administrative term has been unclear since, the development of the United States government system perhaps, why there is no division between “politics” and “administration.” Corresponding, Johann Caspar Bluntschli’s states in his essay “Organic Theory of Sate in Public Administration,” “politics cannot be carried out without the assistance of the administration. Many administrative acts have, if they bear a meaning for the whole nation, political character. The statesman will leave innumerable affairs to the administration without paying further attention to it. However, no administrative act is so unimportant that . . . it cannot attract the attention of statesmen” (Bluntschli. 1867, Rosser, Christian 2014). This implies that politics are priority but are supported through administration. In addition statesmen can’t help resist approaching the two separately and carry out affairs and matters through the use of politics and administration. Thus, corresponding with Goodnow’s theory conveying that the government system will continue to use its power to use politics and
Governments should be afraid of their people.”3( Quoted by Alan Moore, V for Vendetta) .In contrasts to the definition of authoritarianism, power is no longer in the hands of one ruler; but it now rests in the hands of the citizens of the state. According to Robert Dahl; “democratic theory is concerned with processes by which ordinary citizens exert a relatively high degree of control over leaders;”4 ( Quoted by Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory, expanded edition). Dahl expressed that citizens are a definite factor for this political system to further define the system of democracy in a state. In one of Dahl’s work; “On Democracy”, he made a criteria on how Democracy works. In this criterion he expressed that this system does not give you what you want but gives you the chance to fight for what you want. The citizens are highly active in this system, because they get to address the needs of the community as a whole and not as individuals, and if it represents the majority, then the leader will grant this request for the citizens. The beauty of this system is that it represents all types of non-violent movements without absolute freedom. It even highlights the term “Public Servants” to the state. It bonds the representatives and constituents. When it comes to weighing in the cons, I believe that the only downfall for this system is that, because it is somewhat transparent, citizens can figure out the leader’s next move and they can easily take advantage of this. With that being said, people might think they have absolute freedom, and instead of asking for what they need, they might just start asking for what they
‘The doctrine of dichotomy implied that the politicians and their direct appointees have the right to make policy decisions for the polity but it is the duty of the bureaucrats to carry those policies in good faith’ (Pfiffner, 2004, p. 2).