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Relationship between state and society
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Politics of Ethnicity:-
Concerns are very important but the Realists perception as described earlier is very important, who believe that internal structure of the state and the government is also important in the development of ethnic politics. The domestic political environment of divided states characterizes the development of ethnic politics.
Development of Politics of Ethnicity:-
The presence of two or more than two groups with different attributes within the same political system is a necessary condition for the development of ethnic conflict. Ethnic disagreements are either among various groups or with state authority. The study has its focus on ethnic conflict with state. Brass’s contribution is very important in this regard because
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Among these theorists, John Migdal (1994) and Robert Jackson’s (1990) work is very important for this present study. According to Migdal, state and society has a close relationship. State cannot function separately so their relationship is very dynamic, both struggle to preserve authority. In this context Migdal (1994) argues that the struggle between state and ethnic groups which found within society not only generate conflict but sometimes create alliances. These alliances are useful for the state in transforming the nature of ethnic conflict in favour of the domination and hegemony of the state (pp. 9-12).The other important work presented by Jakson(1990) highlighted the role of third world states as far as the ethnic conflict is concerned. He presented third world states as quasi states (p.1). These states are formed after decolonization process. These states are granted independence by developed states who firstly, believe in the provision of collective goods for their citizens. Secondly, these states work with the collaboration of society in distributing benefits. Unfortunately these norms are not transferred to the post colonial states. Resultantly, independence became beneficial for a dominant group and most of the ethno-national groups continued to suffer (pp. 40-41). Under this …show more content…
According to the debate the developed states have strong state institutions and democratic norms, which help them to solve the problems of pluralism. USA, UK, Canada and Switzerland have various ethnic
Politics of Ethnicity:-
Groups but they developed a strong constitutional mechanism to solve the problem. The post colonial states lack these values. Power gain and despotic rule is their basic aim that is why these states are unable to solve the ethnic problems peacefully. In most of the cases like Sikhs in India, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Moros in Philippine and Baloch in Pakistan have strong conflict with the state.
Assimilation Policies for Integration:-
National unity and ideology are the major political concerns in post colonial societies, that is why they used to apply assimilation strategy. This strategy is applied by the dominant groups. These groups might not hesitate to use state force in their own favour. So the state’s policies favour the powerful and dominant group. Pakistan is also one of the examples of plural societies. Here the state used to adopt assimilation policies to create national unity. Resultantly, the state has lost its Eastern Part. Still, various ethnic groups off and on show their resentment and different ethno nationalist movements are in the struggle to preserve identity. Following table is also helpful to show how the state of Pakistan
As is evidenced in the UK’s devolved unitary system, the Canadian federation and the European Union, each model aims to protect regional diversity and autonomy within it’s limitations, though the degree to which autonomy is granted creates a natural tension between unity and the desire for subsidiarity and self-determination. In devolution, asymmetrical federalism and the constitutional framework of a confederation there is the ability to manage diversity, discourage secession, and ensure stability, but with each of these comes the danger of divisive encouragement of difference. It is up to the individual governments in question then, how to best manage diversity and unity. As phrased by George Anderson, perhaps “stability can be enhanced if the culture goes beyond mere tolerance of diversity to the active embrace of diversity as part of what defines the country and gives it it's value. Institutional arrangements can hep societies better manage their conflicts, but institutions alone are not enough…” Perhaps the answer to encouraging national unity is not then found in the model, but in the contingencies of identity and
Fearon, James D., and David D. Laitin. "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War." American Political Science Review 97, no. 01 (2003): 75. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534.
Both supporters and opponents of the plan are concerned with political unreliability solid food by competitor sect. The state polity has not succeeded in solving this problem; in fact the condition is so baffling that live are enlightened with all the leader and blame system of rules for their head. Consequently, a form of pop government activity that can deal with success with this problem is very salutary. Given the nature of humanity, factions are inevitable. As long as fill retain different persuasion, have different power of wealthiness, and own different values of geographic region, they will continue to fraternize with people who are most similar to them. Both serious and piffling rational motive declare for the formation of the factions, but the most significant origin of these faction is the unlike distribution of concept. Personnel of greater ability...
Throughout history, difficulties are seen between the mismatching of ethnicities with country borders, including countries such such Pakistan, Iraq, and Afghanistan. 6,7 This causes competition and conflict between the two ethnic groups, which leads to instability of the government if both groups cannot be equally represented. Just as the North and South could not be represented equally as one United States of America with conflicting views on slavery, it is difficult to equally represent each part of a strong ethnically diverse country. Another example of this conflict is the island of Cyprus. While it would be convenient to refer to it as the country of Cyprus, only half of the island is considered such by the rest of the world. Since 1974, Cyprus has been divided, Turkish Cypriots in the north and Greek Cypriots in the South. On March 18, 2011 the leaders of Turkish Cyprus and Greek Cyprus met to talk about unification. 4 Despite the efforts, it can be argued that while reunification might seem plausible, it is not probable.
Revolutionary state formation entails the process of intense and violent struggle between an indigenous population and a colonial power, or between factions or sub-state entities leading to the establishment of one or more states (Maoz). The duration of the struggle and violence is typically short in duration and a result of the pressures felt from both domestic and international pressures. At the beginning of the formation of a new state of regime, acceptance is not guaranteed into the club of nations. The relevance of this fact is that the newly established regime needs to have solid grounds for validation and self-autonomy, without it is left unstable and liable to be brought down by old neighboring states. During the period of instability following the formation of a new regime, there is the additional internal threat which means that those who were in power before will be looking for the first opportunity to return to the status qou (Maoz). An additional aspect of the revolutionary state fo...
Factions pose a threat to democracy and its associated ideals. This notion is proven through the overpowering of the minority by the majority, in which the opinions of certain groups are silenced, while others amplified. This majority and minority also forge animosity that not only creates competition, but sways the government away from its true purpose. Therefore, since the purpose of government is swayed, leadership becomes an issue. These issues are part of a cluster of other issues that prove factions detrimental to democracy and its principles.
As harmful as ethnic nationalism can be, nationalism can be a force for good. Civic nationalism, as opposed to ethnic nationalism, successfully unites people not by race or ethnicity, but by similar values and ideals. For example, the United States of America was upon the common ideals of freedom and equality. According to one expert, “The United States accepted men of all kinds of descent as their alma mater, transforming them into a ‘new race of men’” (Kohn). The non-exclusivity of American nationalism is exactly what sets apart civic nationalism from ethnic nationalism.
... ethnic discriminatory practices. One of the noted differences of Kazakhstan’s ability to maintain ethnic pluralism has been its ability to create a system that does not differentiate base on individual ethnic origins. Even though linguistic difference did create a system of discrimination, the measure of socioeconomic achievement amongst groups was minimal. Today, titular elite’ control of the government has enforced the use of korcnizatsiya policy. The defined differences as well as control that come from such political agendas have created a security threat to Kazakhstan’s new statehood by other ethnic groups receiving help from their homelands. This creation of a system were noted difference between ethnic groups’ opportunities and resources become apparent, has left many experts skeptical if Kazakhstan will be able to maintain ethnic pluralism and harmony.
The purpose of this essay is to inform on the similarities and differences between systemic and domestic causes of war. According to World Politics by Jeffry Frieden, David Lake, and Kenneth Schultz, systemic causes deal with states that are unitary actors and their interactions with one another. It can deal with a state’s position within international organizations and also their relationships with other states. In contract, domestic causes of war pertain specifically to what goes on internally and factors within a state that may lead to war. Wars that occur between two or more states due to systemic and domestic causes are referred to as interstate wars.
What political factors contributed to the idea of Albanian nationalism after the breakup of Yugoslavia that contributed to the Kosovo Crisis of 1999. To determine the political factors that contributed to Albanian nationalism, this investigation will focus on the aftermath of the breakup of Yugoslavia, the social landscape of Kosovo after the breakup and the Kosovo Crisis of 1999. The views of the Albanians and Serbs will be examined to help develop a more contextual understanding of the rise of Albanian nationalism. Only the events that are relevant to the Kosovo War will be explored in this investigation.
Bonnel, Noel and Nadia Auriat. "Ethnic Conflict and Cohesion, 1945-94." 2000 Journal of Peace Research 37, no. 5 (2000): 563-81.
Among the numerous advantages promised by a well-constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. A faction, as commonly understood, is a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passions or of interest, adverse to the rights of there citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. There are two methods of curing the mischief of faction: the one, by removing its causes, and the other, by controlling its effects. To attack the causes of faction, there are two possible approaches, either destroy liberty, which is essential to its existence, or by give every citizen the same opinions, passions and interests. Obviously, in this case, the possible remedies are far more intolerable than the disease. The latent causes of faction are inherent traits of human kind, and therefore faction, to one degree or another, appears in almost every facet of society. To ameliorate society of this problem, it is necessary that no man have the ability to be a judge in his own cause because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably corrupt his integrity. Even if some superlative people would be able to circumvent this trait, the fact that those in this position will not always be superlative negates this exception. By this reasoning, the causes of faction cannot be removed; and that relief is only to be sought in means of controlling its effects. If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote; while this may lead to inefficient governing and the convulsion of society, it will effectively deter the violence of faction. The problem from there progresses to one of keeping a powerful majority in check so that it can not trample the interests of the population as a whole. For this reason, a pure democracy is without competence to remedy faction; only in a republic, representative democracy, is the prospect for the deterrence of faction present.
During the Cold War, many regional conflicts occurred and were noted as the significant battles which later led to decolonization. One of the regional conflicts were India and Pakistan fighting for their independence. In 1947, India was released under Great Britain’s control and gained its independence. However, the country was divided between Muslims and Hindus, which share different religions. Muslims wanted church and state to become unified while Hindus wanted a separation of these two establishments. Since these two ethnic groups disagreed, it was difficult to create a new government. Therefore, India was divided into two nations: India for the Hindus and Pakistan for the Muslims. Hindus and Muslims were racing to the border in order to get to their nation state which led to killing 500,000 people due to rioting. Although, Mohandas Gandhi, an Indian National Congressman, wanted to obtain peace between these two religions. Pakistan refused the H...
Kurdistan is a region located between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. The Kurds are the biggest ethnicity on the planet without a state to this day. This paper will focus on the Iraqi part of Kurdistan, for it has come the closest to a state-like notion as per Weber’s definition. Iraqi Kurdistan is a region characterized by many diplomatic issues due to lack of acceptance as a state. The region was established through an autonomy agreement with Iraqi government in 1970 after decades of disputes between the Iraqi government and the Kurds in the north. The region had already established a government, but it lacked many characteristics that are applicable to a state. The constant conflict with the Iraqi government has been ongoing since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the end of World War I. The League of Nations with the British at the head of the reshaping of the borders in the Middle East divided the Kurdish people between the four countries mentioned earlier. Many states in the world today are based on Max Weber’s definition of a state, “monopoly on the legitimate use of violence in a given territory”. Iraqi Kurdistan has some of the traits required to be a state per the definition, but it has not been accepted as one by the international community (Oslon 672). Thus, it can be argued that the Kurdish region did not gain international acceptance as a state due to lack of a standing army and an established territory, according to Weber’s notion of a state.
The causes of ethnic conflict cannot be generalised to fit all incidents, as the conflicts in Sri