Introduction Through the analysis of Jurgen Habermas's work, the following assertion intends to provide an understanding of his arguments surrounding crisis-tendency theories. Jurgen presents the traditional Marxist notion of crisis-tendencies as being outdated, and somewhat no longer relevant within a capitalist society (Heath, J, 2011). Jurgen Habermas examines the hindrance of development within contemporary Western societies, which he argues is caused by crisis-tendency tensions. Using concepts derived from his work, this paper analyses legitimation problems faced by modern States. Additionally, the essay focuses specifically on defining the notion of 'Legitimation Crisis' by using examples and putting into context its broader usage and meaning. Lastly, it will identify crimes and policies that have been affected by legitimation crisis tendencies. Defining Legitimation Crisis-Tendencies and its role within Society. Social Scientific research helps us understand why certain structures exist in society and what the ramifications of these structures are. Theories are presented to aid the analyses of our systems and policies which often result in reform. Social Scientist Jurgen Habermas presented a collection of crisis-tendency theories. This essay will focus specifically on his theory of Legitimation Crisis Tendencies. The concept of 'legitimation' is a central tenet of Habermas’s crisis theory. It can be argued that Habermas’s use of the term is similar to that presented by well known social theorist Talcott Parsons in his early work(Smit, 2007). However, Habermas's original concepts do provide an different insight into how we perceive the role of The State. The role of The State is vital in an advanced capitalist... ... middle of paper ... ...s.com/ip/journal/v44/n2/full/8800182a.html]. Thome, H, 'Explaining Long Term Trends in Violent Crime', pp. 69-86. Works Cited: Craib, I, 1992, 'Modern Social Theory: from Parsons to Habermas' (Second edition). New York ; London: Harvester Wheatshe. Ogundiya, S, 2009, 'The Cycle of Legitimacy Crisis in Nigeria:A Theoretical Exploration', Usman Danfodiyo University,Nigeria: Sokoto, Accessed on 12th May 2012, [http://www.krepublishers.com/02-Journals/JSS/JSS-20-0-000-09-Web/JSS-20-2-000-09-Abst-PDF/JSS-20-02-129-09-759-Ogundiya-I-S/JSS-20-02-129-09-759-Ogundiya-I-S-Tt.pdf]. Parsons, T, 1939, 'The Professions and Social Structure', Social Forces, Volume 17, pp. 457-467. Smit, C, 1999, 'The Moral Purpose of the State', Princeton: Princeton University Press. Weber, M, 1957, 'The Theory of Social and Economic Organization', New York: Free Press.
Becker uses rhetorical questions such as “What are we to think of this sudden reversal in fortune and prestige? How explain it? What to do about it?” (149). these questions are raised by Becker, intended to create thought and leave the reader pondering. Despite the euphoric image that Becker creates for democracy he understands that although grandiose in theory, is highly reliant on the present condition of the citizens. He states that they must be “capable of managing their own affairs” (152). However, Becker provides an enumeration for this rhetoric. In order for democracy to survive, Becker recognizes that certain conditions need to be present, mobility, necessity for economic security, ease of communication and industrial prosperity. (151-152).
Post World War Two political sociology theory assumed that the election, legislation, and social and foreign policy outcomes of states were shaped by social cleavages and interest groups. A large focus was put on power structure research and pluralism as well as value consensus and functionalist equilibrium. Then, later in the 1970s and 1980s, much of critical theory shifted toward culture and things like advertising, gender, and the media. These new approaches to political culture were met with severe criticism for their static nature and stereotyping of groups of people. However, Michel Foucalt was able to change critics’ viewpoint to see that cultural processes cause material outcomes. The authors explain that, “Foucault removed the critical aspect of determinism from his theories by talking about ‘what was possible’ in various social contexts between groups and people with varying levels of power/knowledge.” (CITE) The problem they see with this new cultural turn is that it leads from positivistic universalism into institutional and historical specification of theoretical domains and then into somewhere that theory serves only to regulate interpretation of certain events. The authors believe that the middle-range theory provides an appropriate middle point in this slippery slope. They also believe sociologists need to avoid cultural theorizing into particularism. Three different approaches are provided for new cultural sociology. The first of these is provided by Robert Wuthnow’s Communities of Discourse (CITE). He looks to environmental conditions, institutional contexts, and action sequences to show the way ideologies of change are produced. He then examines how subgroups of these ideologies are chosen for institutionalization into roles of world historic importance. Wuthnow’s main focus is on ideologies as change promoting
Cohen, L. E. & Felson, M. (1979). “Social change and crime rate trends: A routine activities approach,” American Sociological Review 44:588-608.
In no field other than politics does the justification for action often come from a noteworthy event and the true cause stays hidden behind the headlines. The United States’ transformation from a new state to a global superpower has been a methodical journey molded by international conditions (the global terrain for statecraft), the role of institutions and their programmed actions, and ultimately, the interests of actors (the protection of participants in making policy’s items and i...
...issue. In this case, neoliberalism not only helps states to make a more rational decision, but also gives a birth of the institution forming the norms for the states’ solving crisis in the future. To conclude, both of them are important, while they are not contradictory, but complementary.
Macionis, J. J. (2013). Society: the basics (7th ed.). Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall.
Rosenfeld, R. (2011). Changing Crime Rates. In J. Wilson, & J. Petersilia, Crime and Public Policy (pp. 559-588). New York: Oxford University Press.
The prominent scholar of Political Science, Kenneth N. Waltz, founder of neorealism, has proposed controversial realist theories in his work. Publications such as "Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis", "Theory of International Politics” and “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: A Debate,” demonstrate how Waltz's approach was motivated by the American military power. In acquaintance of this fact, the purpose of this paper is to critically analyze Waltz theoretical argument from the journal "Structural Realism after the Cold War". Firstly, this paper will indicate the author's thesis and the arguments supporting it. Secondly, limitations found in theoretical arguments will be illustrated and thirdly, synergies between the author's thesis and this analysis will be exposed.
Weatherburn, D. (2011) ‘Uses and abuses of crime statistics’, Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, 153: 1-16
In order to find out what caused crime rates to rise; one must first determine whether or not crime actually rose during the time period. Manuel Eisner in his Long-Term Historical Trends in Violent Crime claims that by using homicides as an indicator one can opt that crime actually showed a downward trend during the second industrial revolution (Eisner 85). But Eisner fault lies in the fact that his work only looks at violent crime. David Philips claims this may appear to be because of lack of “full-time paid uniformed police forces” thus the inaccurate, “uncoordinated” system, “contained apparent contradictions” (O'Brien and Quinault 156). Philips goes on to plot an upward trend in crime using committals and not just violent crime like Eisner; Philips plot shows a “very clear and rapid increase” in crime, one that was larger that could be accounted for by population increase alone (O'Brien and Quinault 158). Phi...
“It has often been said…that in 1848…European history reached its turning point and failed to turn”4. There are a variety of reasons that can be given for the failure of the Revolutions, these include the divisions amongst revolutionaries, the continuing social and economic problems of the countries involved, the difficulty in replacing the old regimes and the problem of the new inexperienced electorates. There does not appear to be one clear, defining reason which led to the old regimes regaining power after the 1848 Revolutions. All the factors seem to be equally important and to some extent, connected.
Social Revolutions in the Modern World is a compilation of essays, which updates and expands arguments Skocpol posed years earlier regarding social revolutions in her previous book, States and Social Revolutions. The updated arguments seek to explain how we can better understand recent revolutionary upheavals in countries across the globe and why social revolutions have happened in some countries, but not in others. Throughout the book, Skocpol illustrates how ideas about states and societies can aid in identifying the particular types of regimes that are susceptible to the growth of revolutionary movements as well as those that are vulnerable to seizure of state power by revolutionary aggressors. Skocpol argu...
demand for luxuries in sedentary society carries within it the germs of fragmentation, decay and, ultimately, collapse” (Alatas, 2017). In modern history during the 1990s following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, a strong emphasis has been emerged to consider classification of states with respect to various levels of their socio-economic and political progress, in which states are being categorized on a number of socio-economic and political variables into different groups such as strong, weak, failed and collapsed (Massa, 2008). Weak state stand in sharp contrast to the notion of strong state, in which the former has been viewed as being ineffective to provide what Rotberg and several political scientists call ‘political goods’, which
Political instability and regime change in Nigeria will be observed in this paper. The resource curse has greatly weakened Nigeria as it has led to the numerous regime changes, the hindering of the nation’s democratization, corruption in the government, as well as, civil conflict. According to Samuels in Case Studies in Comparative Politics, Nigeria began as a group of states and empires, which were conquered by the British Empire who ruled Nigeria through indirect rule with varying degrees of rule in North and South Nigeria (Samuels, 323-326). Since they were granted independence in 1960, three republics have been created and each has ended by military rule, which led to the creation of the fourth, and current republic in Nigeria. In the current regime, Nigeria’s GDP is ranked 108 out of 156 and has been decreasing, lower than some of the non-oil-producing nations in Africa (“Nigeria”).
Okeke, Phil E. "Reconfiguring Tradition: Women's Rights and Social Status in Contemporary Nigeria." Africa Today 47.1 (2000): 49-63.