In the article titled “The Manitoba Land Question, 1870-1882” Sprague argues that the federal government was largely responsible for failing to properly address Metis Land claims. Sprague believes the Canadian government purposefully mismanaged and controlled Metis land organization to further its agenda. He also argues that the Canadian government did not hold up its constitutional obligation as per the Manitoba Act. Lastly Sprague suggests that newly introduced laws opened doors for settlers and made it difficult for the Metis to remain cohesive. As a result Sprague suggests that these factors lead to the loss of Metis land and therefore ultimately contributed to their subsequent exodus from Manitoba. To begin Sprague argues that the Canadian Government disingenuously mismanaged Metis land organization. Sprague states that evidence of this can be seen in the Canadian government not allowing the Lieutenant Governor Adams G. Archibald to make changes to Section 31 and 32 of the Manitoba Act. Archibald proposed the government grant outlined in Section 31 should allocate each person of Aboriginal ancestry an allotment of “140 acres” (pg.75) of land. Archibald also suggested that the location of these allotments be in close proximity so as to “not disperse families throughout the province” (Pg. 75). Lastly Archibald proposed a suggestion in carrying out Section 32 which insured that land owned was not jeopardized during the process of confederacy. He recommended that Manitoba be recognized as an independent province such that affairs including land ownership would be dealt with on a provincial level. Therefore as Sprague argues Archibald’s words were not taken into consideration by both the governments of John A. Macdonald and Alexa... ... middle of paper ... ... In conclusion, Sprague believes that a number of factors carried out by the Canadian government ultimately led to the exodus of the Metis from Manitoba. Firstly through the manipulation of Metis land organization, secondly through broken promises made by the Canadian Government, and lastly through newly introduced laws which dispersed the Metis. In class we are currently studying the arrival of Selkirk settlers into Manitoba; this article was interesting as it put topics discussed in class in much more perspective. This article would be best suited towards those in the area of law, history or government as it contains historical evidence. Through this article Sprague has done an excellent job of outlining the historical events that took place during the 1870-1882 periods more articles surrounding this topic should be written to uncover further injustices.
The Indian Act was an attempt by the Canadian government to assimilate the aboriginals into the Canadian society through means such as Enfranchisement, the creation of elective band councils, the banning of aboriginals seeking legal help, and through the process of providing the Superintendent General of the Indian Affairs extreme control over the aboriginals, such as allowing the Superintendent to decide who receives certain benefits, during the earlier stages of the Canadian-Indigenous' political interaction. The failure of the Indian Act though only led to more confusion regarding the interaction of Canada and the aboriginals, giving birth to the failed White Paper and the unconstitutional Bill C-31, and the conflict still is left unresolved until this day.
One way that Louis Riel changed Manitoba forever was the creation of the Métis Bill of Rights. The Métis Bill of Rights was a revised list of rights that Louis Riel’s provisional government proposed to the Government of Canada. One aspect of this Bill of Rights was “The right to elect their own Legislative Assembly, with the power to pass all local laws,” (Clark and McKay 220). It is clear that this request was granted and still stands today. Without Louis Riel’s effort on this issue who knows when Manitoba would have gotten its own elected Legislative Assembly. Some argue that everything Louis Riel accomplished with the Métis Bill of Rights would have eventually been enacted by Parliament. However, this is untrue for numerous reasons. One of which is how the Métis Bill of Rights consisted of many rights intended specifically for minorities such as Métis or French-Canadians. The federal government at the time did not have minorities on its mind which made it hard for legislation relating to minorities to be passed. Another way that the Métis Bill of Rights still affects us today is how it ensured “The right to have Winnipeg connected by rail to the nearest railw...
The case of the so-called “Black Donnellys” is indicative of social and community relations during the nineteenth century in Upper Canada. Characterized by frontier agriculture, a growing but weak authority structure, and an influx of emigration, mob justice complemented the legal system nefariously. The arson of the Donnelly's home, as well as James Senior's imprisonment demonstrate the role of these two powers in society. I will argue that Upper Canada during the mid to late nineteenth century reacted to increased crime with both community power, in the form of vigilante justice, and legitimate authority, in the form of the penitentiary system; this uptick in crime coincided with settlement of the land by British emigrants. The factors that surrounded this phenomenon were emigration, land, crime, vigilante power, and legal enforcement, particularly the role of the Kingston Penitentiary.
Razack (20020 defines the historical legacy of the “white settler society” that has dominated the legal and historical rights to land usage in relation to indigenous peoples and people of color. In addition to this problem, Razack (2002) also defines the problem of “mapping” that has allowed a primarily racist Canadian government to marginalize or remove people of color from land ownership and placement in the white hegemonic community. In response tot this, Razack (2002) proposes an “unmapping” method in which the underlying racism of Canadian legal policies can be exposed and reconstructed to resolve the problem of racism in land usage in Canada. These are the important aspects of racial identity and spatial organization that define the conflicts of racism in Canadian law and in the “unmapping” of the “white settler society” that Razack (2002) identifies throughout the
To start off, I’ll be writing about the life of people in British North America and its significance towards unifying Canada, as well as background knowledge of conflicts that existed. Life in British North America was changing at an alarming rate. New technology and services were being introduced such as railways and steamships. Industries such as building, producing and farming were being introduced. This was in part due to the many immigrants from Britain and France who’d settled. This was dreadful for the First Nations as their land had been taken away even more so than before. More resources were needed for the growing crowd so trade agreements were made. As more people came, the First Nations were even more distanced from the Europeans. Meanwhile, the French and the British wanted the other’s culture to be erased from the
In the first chapter, “Division of Labour in the Family Farming Economy,” Rollings-Magnusson begins by discussing how the Canadian prairies were presented to potential settlers. “The romanticized view of pioneering on the Canadian prairies envisioned happy young families leaving their homes to grasp the freedom and opportunities abounding in the newly opened region.” Real life in the prairie however did not live up to this image. For those who settled there the reality of the prairies was far harsher than they had been led to believe and many came unprepared. The romantic image had been presented to the settlers by the federal government, the Canadian Pacific Railway via brochures and pamphlets which provided exaggerations and false information. The chapter however does not provide any sources (primary or secondary) on how the settlers felt about being lied to by the federal government and the Canadian Pacific Railway. If there were any such accounts it would have been a good idea to include them as it would have been interesting to look at the situation through a direct perspective of a settler. ...
Systems: The canadian Future in light of the American Past.” Ontario native Council on Justice. Toronto, Ontario.
“The recognition of the inherent right of self-government is based on the view that the Aboriginal peoples of Canada have the right to govern themselves in relation to matters that are internal to their communities, integral to their unique cultures, identities, traditions, languages and institutions, and with respect to their special relationship to their land and resources." (Wherrett
The journey for the Aboriginals to receive the right to keep and negotiate land claims with the Canadian government was long but prosperous. Before the 1970's the federal government chose not to preform their responsibilities involving Aboriginal issues, this created an extremely inefficient way for the Aboriginals to deal with their land right problems. The land claims created by the Canadian government benefited the aboriginals as shown through the Calder Case, the creation of the Office of Native Claims and the policy of Outstanding Business.
Fleras, Augie. “Aboriginal Peoples in Canada: Repairing the Relationship.” Chapter 7 of Unequal Relations: An Introduction to Race, Ethnic and Aboriginal Dynamics in Canada. 6th ed. Toronto: Pearson, 2010. 162-210. Print.
Canada likes to paint an image of peace, justice and equality for all, when, in reality, the treatment of Aboriginal peoples in our country has been anything but. Laden with incomprehensible assimilation and destruction, the history of Canada is a shameful story of dismantlement of Indian rights, of blatant lies and mistrust, and of complete lack of interest in the well-being of First Nations peoples. Though some breakthroughs were made over the years, the overall arching story fits into Cardinal’s description exactly. “Clearly something must be done,” states Murray Sinclair (p. 184, 1994). And that ‘something’ he refers to is drastic change. It is evident, therefore, that Harold Cardinal’s statement is an accurate summarization of the Indigenous/non-Indigenous relationship in
The Red River Colony was changing, but it wasn’t the only one, all of Canada were changing, because in the late 1860s Canada entered a new era and the changes and events that occurred in the Red River was only the beginning of many more conflicts and circumstances to come that would help shape and define this age Canada has entered. Although the Red River Rebellion had ostensibly achieved most of its major objectives, the Metis would soon find themselves at a disadvantage. They would rise yet again for another rebellion called The North-West Rebellion of 1885 to assert their nationality once more.
In the year 1884, Gabriel Dumont rode to Montana and asked Louis Riel to come back to defend the Metis once again. Louis Riel agreed to this, and risked being captured. This was very noble of him and instead of staying safe in Montana; he risked his life for the sake of his people and returned this time with a petition. The petition was sent to the government, and demanded more food and money for the Natives, and the Metis. I believe that this petition was fair in all parts and made complete sense. Riel wanted the government to give back to the Metis, what was taken away from them. This petition was turned down; again the Metis rights were overlooked and disregarded as not
To them, the excitement and the adventure of the buffalo hunt held more appeal than farming. Hundreds of Metis were content to earn a living by hunting buffalo, making pemmican or finding employment as freight drivers. After a while Canada bought Rupertsland from Hudson Bay Company. When the Metis heard this they were alarmed. They feared their religion,their language, their lands and their old, free way of* life.
MacDougall, Brenda. One of the Family: Metis Culture in Nineteenth-Century Northwestern Saskatchewan. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2010.