A Corrupt Man:The Story of Maurice Duplessis The period in which Quebec Premier Maurice Duplessis ruled is known as “le Grande Noirceur”, or the Great Darkness, because the public was left unaware of the situation. The Great Darkness was, “an era of corruption where Quebec made no social, political or economical advancements” (“Duplessis Era (1956)”). Duplessis’ ignominious actions that included rigging the elections, instilling the Padlock Law, and deeming orphans mentally ill will expose him for the dishonourable man he is. Maurice took political matters into his own hands by manipulating elections to ensure his victory. Garfield Newman claims he used, “faulty electoral lists, stuffed ballot boxes, and [engaged] in a variety of other illegal …show more content…
The Padlock Act was a 1937 Quebec statute empowering the attorney general to close down any building for a whole year if it was suspected of having communist ties. This is a complete violation of human rights because Canada is a free country with freedom of speech and the Padlock Law encroaches upon that freedom. Furthermore, there was no evidence needed to close down a building as the government would, “close down the meeting places of those who were suspected of endorsing ‘communism’”(“1937 Padlock Act”), so an organization could have been wrongly accused. Individuals would lose their jobs and be unable to care for their families because of the unfair accusations. In general, it was wrong for Duplessis or anyone to fear a certain type of government so much, that they would close it down. In 1957, the Padlock Act was finally challenged in the supreme court of Canada, 20 years after it had been implemented. The Supreme Court declared the Act, “...unconstitutional, an invasion of the federal field of criminal Law” (Eugene, Forsey). History of Rights suggests that their decision removed one of the most draconic laws ever passed in Canada. While the Padlock Law of 1937 was maleficent, similarly was the Duplessis’ orphan
There were a number of things that were taken into consideration before the court could reach any final judgment. The history of hate propaganda was brought into consideration. Prior to the Canadian Charter, the laws like De Scandalis Magnatum, laws for the crime of seditious libel provided that a person was free to express what he wanted unless he has an intention or disobey openly, act in a violent way against the authority or he has a seditious attention where there is a unlawful use of force for bringing about a governmental change in
The case of the so-called “Black Donnellys” is indicative of social and community relations during the nineteenth century in Upper Canada. Characterized by frontier agriculture, a growing but weak authority structure, and an influx of emigration, mob justice complemented the legal system nefariously. The arson of the Donnelly's home, as well as James Senior's imprisonment demonstrate the role of these two powers in society. I will argue that Upper Canada during the mid to late nineteenth century reacted to increased crime with both community power, in the form of vigilante justice, and legitimate authority, in the form of the penitentiary system; this uptick in crime coincided with settlement of the land by British emigrants. The factors that surrounded this phenomenon were emigration, land, crime, vigilante power, and legal enforcement, particularly the role of the Kingston Penitentiary.
Rings and alliances within political forces allowed powerful individuals to dictate the outcomes of decisions that would further increase their power and influence. By exploiting the desperation of powerless workers and immigrants, prominent figures like Mike Scully were able to rig elections, keeping specific people in power by buying votes with money replaceable to him, but invaluable to the desperate. The democratic party, to which Scully belonged, remained in power by giving the poor man so little that he was eager to undertake any task for the sake of money. When Jurgis was offered bribes for his vote, he realized that it was not “supposed to be right” to sell his vote, but also that refusing the money would not make “the slightest difference in the results” (Sinclair 134). Sacrificing the bribing money to take a stand was not an expenditure that the poor man could afford, and the working class was thus forced to facilitate the medium of their
In 1970, Trudeau was tremendously criticized for the implementation of the WMA, however, his verdict was correct due to the fright and ambiguity that looms over the FLQ. The FLQ was a sovereigntist “revolutionary movement” that arose in 1963 and were willing to use violence to end English colonialism is Quebec. They started their violence by placing bombs in federal armouries and the neighbourhoods of wealthy Anglophones. Nevertheless, their violence did not stop but, it rose drastically. In 1968, the movement set large bombs at “a federal government bookstore, at McGill University, at the residence of Jean Drapeau and the provincial Department of Labour”. On February 1969, the group wounded 27 people through a bomb placed at the Montreal Stock Exchange. Committing over 200 bombings in 7 years as the group split into 2 cells; Chenier and Liberation cell. In the fall of 1970, the Liberation cell kidnapped British trade commissioner James Cross, and 5 days later the Chenier cell kidnapped the ...
The years following the Second World War were bleak in regards to Canada's future as a country, with the public and politicians alike set against each other, but soon a Québec man by the name of René Lévesque entered journalism, and then politics, voicing his views for all to hear, with great success and vigour. Though obstacles presented themselves often in his life, he changed the views of Québec, Canada and the world as a whole. René Lévesque was a passionate and charismatic politician who greatly contributed to post-war Québec and even today through his beliefs in separatism, founding the Parti Québecois and passing Bill 101.
Prime Minister Trudeau put into effect the War Measures Act for the first time in Canadian history during peace time. He did this without consulting parliament. However, parliament voted three days later to approve the use of the act. The civil liberties of the citizens of Canada were suspended while the act was in force. In a few cities, officials used the WMA to clean up the streets, picking up "undesirables" and throwing them into jail. More than 450 people were jailed in Quebec for suspected connections to the FLQ. Most were later released without any charges being laid. After the War Measures Act was put into effect, no other public figures in Canada were kidnapped. Eventually Pierre Laporte was murdered by his captors and Cross was released unharmed after his kidnappers were flown to exile in Cuba. But for many in Quebec, the question was raised : what might the federal government do if Quebec ever did decide to leave Canada... the use of the army in the streets and the loss of civil liberties left a bad taste in many people's mouths.
Many Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution) with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would transpire. His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores
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The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was enacted under the Pierre Trudeau government on April 17, 1982. According to Phillip Bryden, “With the entrenchment of the Charter into the Canadian Constitution, Canadians were not only given an explicit definition of their rights, but the courts were empowered to rule on the constitutionality of government legislation” (101). Prior to 1982, Canada’s central constitutional document was the British North America Act of 1867. According to Kallen, “The BNA Act (the Constitution Act, 1867) makes no explicit reference to human rights” (240). The adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms significantly transformed the operation of Canada’s political system. Presently, Canadians define their needs and complaints in human rights terms. Bryden states, “More and more, interest groups and minorities are turning to the courts, rather than the usual political processes, to make their grievances heard” (101). Since it’s inception in 1982 the Charter has become a very debatable issue. A strong support for the Charter remains, but there also has been much criticism toward the Charter. Academic critics of the Charter such as Robert Martin believe that the Charter is doing more harm than good, and is essentially antidemocratic and UN-Canadian. I believe that Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic, although, the Charter itself represents a democratic document. Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic because the power of the executive is enhanced at the expense of Parliament, and the power of the judiciary is enhanced at the expense of elected officials, although, the notwithstanding clause continues to provide Parliament with a check on...
World War II's aftermath was very different for each Canadian province. The west was quickly developing, as they were undergoing a reform to liberalism. This was not the case for Quebec, which in turn gave the province a conservative and alienated image. During the 1950s and 1960s, they were undergoing vigorous changes, known as Révolution Tranquille, translating to the Quiet Revolution. The Canadian province shifted their socio-political and socio-cultural exercises that further developed into reflecting the ideas and values of secularization, the declining social and cultural significance of religion. Before the Quiet Revolution was the Duplessis Era, in which the Roman Catholic Church held a majority of the power. This resulted in Quebec
Reading The Best Laid Plans further ignited my desire to live and work in the political world. Fallis illustrated the Canadian political world as being quite similar to how I have always imagined it. The impression The Best Laid Plans gave me of the Canadian political world was that of a highly competitive, intellectual arena full of debate, that lacks the degree of hostility found in the political world of many other countries, and can actually be quite entertaining. I thoroughly enjoy watching the game of politicians narrowly abiding by the rules, for example, opposition members expressing they believe the Government is lying without breaking the rule regarding calling each other liars. Life in the Canadian political world seems to be a constant battle to outwit the opponent, and Fallis' ch...
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