Amuru Serikyaku Professor Conteh-Morgan INR 4931 5 April 2013 The Triangular Relationship: The PRC’s Domestic Security Apparatus, Human Rights Organizations, and Sino-American Relations On June 4th 1989, the People’s Republic of China shocked the world when Deng Xiaoping, then the “paramount leader” of the CCP-controlled state, ordered the massacre of thousands of protesters demonstrating for greater freedoms in Tiananmen Square. Deng Xiaoping and Premier of the State Council, Li Peng, defended the hardlined action by considering the protests, a threat to the political order and stability of the nation. The international response to the incident was largely condemning; the forty-sixth session of the Commission on Human Rights found the CCP’s quelling of the demonstration to be a massive violation of human rights and many nations followed suit with economically and diplomatically punishing policies. The United States, under President George H.W. Bush, sought to suspend military technology exchange contracts with the PRC and leveraged its weight at the international level to impose lending penalties through the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. The CCP’s supposed violation of human rights had dire politico-economic consequences, resulting in the rise of Chinese defense spending from 8.6% to 15.5% and a half-billion dollar fall in tourism revenue. Through the example of the Tiananmen Square incident, one can see how the PRC’s use of its domestic security apparatus, the force behind the CCP’s internal stability measures, can challenge international human rights standards set forth by Human Rights Organizations and affect Sino-American diplomatic and economic relations accordingly. Throughout this research paper, I will speci... ... middle of paper ... ...he people’s desperation for democracy? This will very likely change the nature of human rights in China, as democratic regimes have traditionally experienced a greater human rights record. Perhaps the entire notion of human rights will see a fundamental change if the perspective shifts from a Western to an Eastern one as the balance of power shifts with an emerging Chinese hegemon? This paper analyzed Sino-American relations against a single variable: human rights. In many cases, especially in Realism-based diplomacy, the progression of human rights does not take priority over economic interests and the geopolitical balance of power among nations. In the future, it would be beneficial to analyze the effect that these two additional variables would have in the context of Sino-American relations. That being said, human rights do play an extraordinarily important role
As free, democratic nations, Canada and the US have developed with a deep respect for human rights. In light of recent events, however, both governments have demonstrated a weakening stance against human rights violators, putting economics over individual rights and freedoms. Although international trade is important, it is no excuse to shelve the responsibility of promoting human rights. Instead, North Americans should limit aid programs to China to those that help progress. Canada and the US have the economic and political influence to achieve their goals, but it would be unwise to pursue them to point of causing excessive damage domestically. Integrity in the belief of universal human rights must be maintained if it is ever to become a reality.
Ever since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the legitimacy of the revolution of which it was built upon has perennially been in question. For example, in a 1999 issue of the International Herald Tribune, a prestigious scholar claimed that all of China’s tragedies are ‘sustained by a mistaken belief in the correctness of the 1949 revolution’ and that the future progress of China depends on the recognition that the revolution was a failure. However, the CCP government was certainly not perfect and its most significant failures were its political failures such as the Anti-rightist movement and the Cultural Revolution and also economic failures such as the great leap forward. Millions of peoples were falsely accused and persecuted during the political movements of the Mao period as the CCP focused on class struggle instead of economic development during the period and tens of Millions of peoples died due to starvation as there were widespread food shortages during the great leap forward movement.
The Communist Party of China (CCP), in power since 1950, is not famous for its tolerance of those who do not agree with its ideology and opinion. People must adhere to the Party’s legislation, and face consequences (the severity of which is debated) if they resist or rebel. One way the CCP controls members is through religion. Although the government encourages almost cult-like devotion to the Party, it allows its constituents to participate in certain major international religions. One religion that is illegal to participate in under Chinese law is the spiritual practice of Falun Gong. A new movement, the Falun Gong grew quickly in China and globally, and was officially banned in 1999. The CCP claims the Falun Gong is evil, and should be destroyed humanely to save China. However, the Falun Gong is peaceful, and the Chinese government is the institution that tortures, jails, and abuses its citizens if they are practitioners of the religion. The international response calls for the halting of these immoral actions, but China still claims that it is destroying an evil institution. The simple fact China denies its members freedom of religion violates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which China has signed, but the violence against its people if they adhere to Falun Gong beliefs is a gross abuse of its power. Although China bans many religions, there is special emphasis on the Falun Gong, and many wonder why. One highly possible reason is that the growth, international reach, and popularity of the Falun Gong threatens the universal power the CCP holds in China, weakening the government, and therefore leading to the destruction of the threat: the Falun Gong.
In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, President George W. Bush reached out to the world to back the U.S. in a war to eradicate terrorism. One of the more surprising participants in this coalition, China, had until that point been at odds with U.S. policy but seemed to find sufficient common ground with the U.S. to support the war. In recent months however, China has not been lauded for unprecedented cooperation with its “strategic competitor” but has instead been criticized for using the war on terror as carte blanche to step up its “Strike Hard” campaign in the Uigher Xinjiang Autonomous Region in the northwest, resulting in unprecedented numbers of executions of political prisoners, a suspension of free religious worship, and a general decline in respect for human rights. The western media has claimed that Beijing had been waiting for a chance to crack down on Uigher separatists and is now behaving as an opportunist to pursue these goals while the U.S. is in no position to decry its behavior. However, this opportunism argument only explains some of the recent actions in Xinjiang; in this paper I will seek to show that Beijing’s increased policing of Xinjiang serves primarily to demonstrate to the international community that it will not be excluded from Central Asia.
Nearly every aspect of law enforcement has a court decision that governs criteria. Most court rulings are the result of civil lawsuit towards a police officer and agency. However, currently, there is no law that mandates law enforcement driver training. When it comes to firearms, negligence by officers has resulted in a multitude of court rulings. Popow v. City of Margate, 1979, is a particularly interesting case that outlines failed firearms training by an agency. In this case, an officer chasing a suspect during a foot pursuit fired at the suspect, striking and killing an innocent bystander (Justia.com, 2017). The court ruled that the agency was “grossly negligent” of “failure to train” (Justia.com, 2017). As a result, nearly every agency requires annual firearms training and has written policy concerning the same. Officers must show proficiency in firearms use every year to maintain their certification. Many states even impose fines on officers for
Fairy tales tell us that once upon a time a girl met a boy; they fell in love, and lived happily ever after. Reality is not that simple. Long-term relationships force couples to get to know each other, involve themselves in each others’ worlds, fight through the hard times, and eventually develop deeper connections as noted through distinctive stages of Knapp’s relationship model. Although I have dated the same person for over two years, our communication through relationship stages makes it seem as though I am now dating a different person than the one I met years ago. Following dissolution and subsequent repair, I realize the most exhilarating of roller coaster rides develop through sets of ups and downs, much like the stages on how our relationship is built.
“We were not fighting so that we could die, but so that we could live (S.1),¨ a statement made by a protester at Tiananmen Square, shows the dire situation at the time. All people are enabled human rights, though the acts committed at Tiananmen Square violate numerous articles of the Declaration of Human Rights. Human rights include the entitlements to liberty and security of person, to the right of free opinion and expression, as well as peaceful assembly. They are against the acts of persecution and exile, or inhumane and degrading punishment (S.4). At Tiananmen Square the attack on the public from the army ordered by the government, violated multiple rights including that of wrongful punishment. These actions lead to numerous disadvantageous
At 7:31 p.m. July 15, 1971, 2 years after President Richard Nixon was re-elected as President of the United States of America, he made remarks that were broadcast on television and radio that would change the history of the Sino-American relationship. In the “Remarks to the Nation Announcing Acceptance of an Invitation To Visit the People's Republic of China”, Nixon announced that he would accept the invitation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to visit before May 1972. Nixon claimed that this action sought to normalize the relationship with the PRC, and would allow the leaders of the both nations to discuss common interests. However, Nixon emphasized that the tour was not ‘directed against any other nation.’ This, of course, was to comfort two other major stakeholders against the new relationship, the pro-western faction China – the Republic of China (ROC) and PRC’s communist ally USSR. The other point that Nixon emphasized was the concept of peace, he suggested the efforts to rebuild trust and good relations with PRC were an effort to ‘build a lasting peace’ in the world.
...ghur rights, as human beings, being violated, and who's responsibility is it to make sure that rights aren’t violated, as well as if China is living up to its responsibilities as a world power, to take care of its people.
Relationships between two people can have a strong bond and through poetry can have an everlasting life. The relationship can be between a mother and a child, a man and a woman, or of one person reaching out to their love. No matter what kind of relationship there is, the bond between the two people is shown through literary devices to enhance the romantic impression upon the reader. Through Dudley Randall’s “Ballad of Birmingham,” Ben Jonson’s “To Celia,” and William Shakespeare’s “Shall I Compare Thee to a Summer’s Day?” relationships are viewed as a powerful bond, an everlasting love, and even a romantic hymn.
The American principle of democracy promotion and human rights protection minimized the Sino- American relations after the Tiananmen Square events in 1989, the US Presidents-George Bush and Bill Clinton- playing a key role in determining the further American foreign policy towards China. In order to have a better understanding about the conflict of Tiananmen and its influence on further American relations with the People’s Republic of China, this paper gives a short background of the bilateral relations until 1990. Historically, the United States and China did not have good relations due to the political regime of China. In addition, China was not developed economically to have trade or any kind of relations with the US. According to some historical data, the first China-US negotiations at the ambassadorial level started on August 1, 1955.
Since the initial warming of U.S.-China relations in the early 1970’s, policymakers have had difficulty balancing conflicting U.S. policy concerns in the People’s Republic of China. In the strange world of diplomacy between the two, nothing is predictable. From Nixon to Clinton, presidents have had to reconcile security and human rights concerns with the corporate desire for expanded economic relations between the two countries. Nixon established ties with Mao Zedong’s brutal regime in 1972. And today Clinton’s administration is trying to influence China’s course from within a close economic and diplomatic relationship.
Members of The United Nations have a duty “to maintain international peace…in conformity with the principles of justice and international law.”[1] China, a core member of the United Nations since its formation in 1945, fails to comply with international human rights’ norms set forth by The United Nations Charter. This failure is noticeably prevalent in the practices of the Chinese Legal System. Its judicial proceedings in handling peaceful, political dissenters fail to provide the minimum protection of human rights guaranteed to all through international law. By examining accounts of Tibetans detained for such peaceful protests, this paper will set out to highlight the discrepancies between Chinese enforcement of international law in theory and in practice. Before this paper goes any further, the notion of international law must be explained. Providing a better understanding of international law will make easier the task of highlighting China’s struggles with enforcing such standards.
It is difficult to conclude anything other than that the alliance between the PRC and the Soviet Union was chiefly born out of necessity. Certainly, the common ideology and revolutionary nature of the CCP allowed for a collective understanding that sometimes amalgamated into shared objectives. Even so, PRC actions suggest an appeasement rather than a genuine alignment with the Soviet Union. Accordingly, Beijing and Moscow appear reluctant allies, with a hint of the Prisoner’s Dilemma to their alliance – each, though particularly the PRC, facing deleterious consequences by pursuing an independent path.In cooperating, the PRC were able to build their state and counterbalancing the perceived US threat.
The role that globalization plays in spreading and promoting human rights and democracy is a subject that is capable spurring great debate. Human rights are to be seen as the standards that gives any human walking the earth regardless of any differences equal privileges. The United Nations goes a step further and defines human rights as,