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Portugal's first attempt at democracy
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Prior to the Carnation Revolution of April 25, 1974, Portugal’s experience with democracy had not been particularly successful so it is fair to wonder. Its First Republic lasted from 1910 to 1926 before the May 1926 coup d’état occurred. The Ditadora Nacional followed soon after by the Estado Novo, which was greatly inspired by conservative and authoritarian ideologies, was developed by António de Oliveira Salazar, ruler of Portugal from 1932 to 1968.
The aim of this research paper is to examine why Portugal did not fall back into fascism or embrace Communism but rather, whole-heartedly adopted democracy.
The Portuguese revolution is regularly glossed over in historical accounts of democracy and regime change. Why would the transition to democracy in a European nation be rendered almost insignificant? Firstly, the Portuguese experience was qualitatively different from many other regime changes precisely because the transition in Portugal acquired many of the characteristics of a revolution. In some senses, what occurred after was not only a process of establishing democracy, but the process of producing a revolution that was tame. The Portuguese upheaval did not turn the world upside down or shake things up, though for several months in 1975 Portugal recaptured the euphoria that often comes with revolutions albeit with little bloodshed. It was precisely because of the relative absence of bloodletting that the Portuguese revolution has tended to be subject to relative amnesia in the history books.
As with any revolution, it is difficult to retrospectively recapture the brief interlude of euphoria experienced especially in that moment when anything and everything seemed possible.
There are certainly structural constraints in ...
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...nce, but in the negotiations conducted with George Kenna, chargé d’affaires in Lisbon, Salazar obtained a critical quid pro quo from Washington, which committed the United States to respect the territorial integrity of Portuguese colonies in return for access to the Azores facilities. This concession was the first significant breach in the US anticolonial position, which subsequently became the starting point for many of the problems that would limit US policy toward Portugal and Portuguese Africa thereafter. Salazar deeply distrusted the growing US role in international affairs and was intent on curbing it with regard to Portuguese interests.
The second period of the possibility of change occurred between 1958 and 1962.
The third window of opportunity occurred between 1968 and 1971 shortly after Salazar’s incapacitation and the installation of Marcello Caetano.
By the early 1960’s widespread concern for social and economic justice and increased levels of political participation had boosted the popularity of parties that advocated radical economic and social change. Thus, in 1964, Eduardo Frei, a Christian Democrat, won an overwhelming mandate to carry out a revolution in liberty. Six years later, in 1970, Salvador Allende, the leader of a coalition of Marxist and Social Democratic parties, was elected President on a platform that promised to bring about a peaceful transition to socialism. The Popular Unity program and the authors of its economic strategy “envisioned a carefully controlled revolution from above” (139), that radical social, political and economic change could be brought about within the framework of the constitution and the laws. According to Allende, “this required a carefully controlled and phased revolutionary process, which was also neces...
On August 29, Congress voted against a motion to stop Joao Goulart from becoming president. This motion was brought to Congress by the heads of the three branches of the milit...
Schmitter, Philippe C., Karl, Terry L.. What Democracy Is. ..and Is Not Journal of Democracy, Vol. 2, No. 3. (1991), pp. 75-88
Przeworski, A., 2004. Capitalism, Development and Democracy. Brazilian Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 24, No. 4 (96), Pp. 489-497
Portugal’s journey to democracy started in 1910 by first attempt of the Portuguese people to establish the country as a democracy. Before 5 October 1910, Portugal was ruled by the principles of constitutional monarchy. However, a putsch lead by the Portuguese Republican Party established the First Republic by abolishing the constitutional monarchy regime. The constitution that was adopted inaugurated parliamentary regime with a president as a head of state. Unfortunately, the republican regime lasted for only 16 years which were exceptionally unstable and disordered; 45 different cabinets were in power, of which four were dismissed by military coups.
In making this argument this essay seeks to five things. Firstly, to define democracy within the contemporary context offering the key characteristics of a modern re...
In the final days of 1958, ragged rebels began the process of driving out forces loyal to Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. By New Year’s Day, the nation was theirs, and Fidel Castro, Ché Guevara, Raúl Castro, Camilo Cienfuegos and their companions rode triumphantly into Havana and history. The revolution began long before, however, and the eventual rebel triumph was the result of many years of hardship, guerrilla warfare and propaganda battles.
This essay will critically discuss how democracy can become corrupt, within some governments and what causes it. By using historical and current evidence to point out why democracy becomes undesirable. Also pointing out classical characteristics of democracy, executive powers, leading to corruption in the early forms of government.
26th of July Movement. "Program Manifesto of the 26th of July Movement". in Cuba in Revolution. Ed. R. Bonachea and Nelson Valdés. Garden City, NJ: 1972.
As one can imagine, the citizenry was not pleased with his actions. After Bautista came to power once more in 1952 many people in Cuba were disgusted by Bautista’s actions and preferred Cuba’s democracy, as flawed as it was. (Citation). Additionally, many citizens started to plan a way to get rid of Bautista and formed a revolution that would be capable of bring about a...
Democracy has been defined by many political theorists who concluded that it is more than just having elections. However, Philippe Schmitter and Terry Lynn Karl have gone further than just defining what democracy is, they defined how it actually functions. Schmitter and Karl identified three key points that make democracy functional. Firstly, after an election representatives must not use their powers to limit or bar opposition parties from being elected, in order to have political competition for power and place. The “momentary losers” in return will respect the outcome of elections and the winner's authority and right to make decisions dealing with matters of the state. Secondly, citizens should accept and respect decisions that proceed from representatives after elections, as long as they are open and fair. Lastly, there must be cooperation and competition among civil societies and interest groups to form effective boundaries of power in a democracy. This paper will utilize Schmitter and Karl's criteria needed for a democracy to function in its analysis of two countries, the Federative Republic of Brazil and The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
After the revolution actually happens there is a period called the honeymoon period where the fall of the old regime allows new things to happen. Before the revolution occurred, there were many instances where decolonization was apparent. In African territories, guerrillas movements were rising and that weakened the Portuguese empire. When the Carnation Revolution ended, the MFA created the National Salvation Junta whose prime purpose was to suppress wars and to help the colonies from withdrawing. After these occurrences, African territories such Angola and Mozambique experienced mass decolonization. The Portuguese colonies refugees were called retornados. India had also invaded Goa, which was one of Portugal's territories and that led to
As the world observes an electoral tsunami, with most of the modern countries holding national or sub national elections every once in awhile a big question imposes itself: Are elections a necessary and sufficient condition for democratic politics? In fact, we can look at the coming April elections in Algeria, where Abdelaziz Bouteflika will probably win the elections with a striking majority of the votes, although he has obvious health issues that will clearly prevent him from ruling the country effectively. This quick example shows the relevance of the question regarding elections in democracy. Depending on the answer of the question, some regimes can be characterised as democratic without giving the power to the people. This has enormous impacts on notably the legitimacy of a regime and of the power holders in all countries. Being appointed by the people and viewed as such certainly makes actions and decisions more legitimate. This is why I will argue that election is necessary for democracy to hold, but it is far from being a sufficient condition for democratic politics. In this essay, I will start by defining democracy and base my argumentation around it. After, I will discuss the necessity of elections in a democracy and finally, I will argue that elections are not sufficient in order to hold a democracy.
Through his study, Lijphart arrives at a conclusion that a parliamentary, PR electoral system is the best form of government for ethnically diverse and economically underdeveloped countries, such as the countries in Latin America. His rationale for this argument is that parliamentary, PR systems allow for multiple parties to be involved in government, not just the majority. However, Karl contradicts Lijphart, arguing that it is not possible to create a procedure for implementing democracy in developing countries, because the type of democracy created is dependent upon structural and institutional constraints. The transition to democracy in Venezuela, the strongest democratic Latin American country, does well to convey this idea. The success of petroleum exchange causing the decline of landowning elites was a structural change, which allowed the country to create a democratic government without the opposition of the anti democratic elites. This “path dependent” approach is relatively contradictory to the argument of Lijphart, who suggests a direct implementation of a democratic government based on an existing electoral system. Lijphart’s argument neglects the contextual aspect of a developing country’s transition to a democratic government which Karl strongly supports, creating a disjunction between the two
Portugal’s political past has had a variety of types Government. They have ranged from monarchy and constitutional monarchy to republic and dictatorship. Democracy came in really late for Portugal. Today Portugal is a modern parliamentary democracy, which was adopted in 1976. It has a similar government like us with a president and 3 branches of government (legislative, judicial, and executive), however it has a prime minister that is head of the national government. The current president of Portugal is Anibal Cavaro Silva and is the head of State. In Portugal a president is elected by popular vote to a five year term and is legible for a second term.