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Racial inequality in society
Racial inequality in society
Racial inequality in society
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Black Middle Class America: House Negro Mentality or Manifestation of Self-Identity For Hundreds of years a wall of separation has existed among the Black community. Whether it involved the skin color, hair length, nose size, or social standing, Blacks have always found someway to distinguish themselves away from the masses of their culture. In Malcolm X's essay "Message to the Grass Roots," and Shelby Steele's excerpt "On Being Black and Middle Class," Black separatism can be traced to the times of slavery. House Negroes wanted to disassociate themselves from the field Negroes. Today, the question is whether the Black community has let the house Negro mentality transcend through time to be emulated by the Black middle-class. Malcolm X clearly defines a house Negro as being absolutely loyal to his master. The house Negro thought more of his master's well being than the master thought of himself. Love was all the house Negro had for his master; who else would treat the house Negro as well as the master treated him. The house Negro wore the best clothes, had the best living arrangements, and ate the best foods. The master and the house Negro were one in the same, in their mentality. "What's the matter, boss, we sick," was the rhetoric of the house Negro (400). Every other word was "we", not "you" or "I" but "we." The house Negro never made any distinctions between the master and himself. When it came time to disembody himself from the field Negro, the masses, the "we" disappeared and the "you" and the "I" introduced itself. The "you" as in "you crazy for wanting to run away from the master," and the "I" as in "I would never think of leaving behind a life as good as mine"(400 ), was now the language spoken by the house Neg... ... middle of paper ... ...ass modeled the white middle class had no relevancy. It was the sense of meaning that the above value provided; the black middle class wanted to declare self-independence (266). Steele's middle class Black and Malcolm's House Negro may differ in the way they serve their fellow lower-class Black or field Negro, but they both share the same mind set. The middle-class and the house Negro's views on lower-class blacks and field Negroes were not a matter of hating lower-class blacks or field Negroes but of hating what they did not want to be (Steele 266). . Works Cited Steele, Shelby. "On Being Black and Middle Class." Revelations. 4th ed. Ed. Teresa M. Redd. Boston: Pearson, 2002. 265 - 66. X, Malcolm. "Message to the Grass Roots." Revelations. 4th ed. Ed. Teresa M. Redd. Boston: Pearson, 2002. 399 - 402.
Making Whiteness: the culture of segregation in the south, 1890-1940 is the work of Grace Elizabeth Hale. In her work, she explains the culture of the time between 1890 and 1940. In her book she unravels how the creation of the ‘whiteness’ of white Southerners created the ‘blackness’ identity of southern African Americans. At first read it is difficult to comprehend her use of the term ‘whiteness’, but upon completion of reading her work, notes included, makes sense. She states that racial identities today have been shaped by segregation, “...the Civil War not only freed the slaves, it freed American racism
Originally published in 1999, Mary Pattillo’s Black Picket Fences explores the circumstances and conventions of the Black middle class, a group that has experienced both scholarly and popular neglect. In the Acknowledgments section of this work, Pattillo details the mentorship she received as a graduate student from William Julius Wilson at the University of Chicago. She recounts that Wilson often encouraged his students to extend, and even challenge his scholarly works, and that this urging provided the impetus for her research on the Black middle class (xiv). The challenge Pattillo (2013) refers to, becomes quite apparent when comparing her work to Wilson’s 1980 piece, The Declining Significance of Race. In this work, Wilson (1980) contends that in the industrial/modern era of the United States, class has surpassed race to be a salient factor of social stratification. He supplements his argument by referencing the progress and achievements of the Black middle class, relative to the “economic stagnation” of the Black underclass (p. 2). Pattillo (2013) offers a
It is commonly thought that one has to struggle in order to be black. Black people tend to have a stronger sense of group identification than any other racial group in the United States. The question is whether or not this is helpful or detrimental to the black population. In “Promoting Black (Social) Identity” Laura Papish criticizes Tommie Shelby’s We Who Are Dark. Shelby argues that the black population’s sense of group identity is vital to furthering their collective political agenda. Shelby believes that best way to make sure that their political ideologies are cohesive is for black individuals to have a “thick conception of black identity” (Papish 2).” Having a thick sense of black identity calls for “ African Americans think of themselves as and act as a ‘nation’ constituted not by physical borders, but by a shared ethnic, cultural, or biological trait that imbues the community with a ‘general will’ and this “ will” typically includes political motives (Papish 2). Papish argues that it not part of the duty of a black person to have any sense of loyalty or solidarity with other African-Americans and that not doing so does not make them any less black than those that choose to have a thick sense of black identity. Those who don’t grow up with a strong black group identity in their lives are just as black and go through some of the same struggles that other black people do. In the video “Black Like Who?” Debbie Reynolds did not have a strong sense of blackness because she was raised in a white neighbor. The other ladies in the short film talk about how they thought that she had a “ real problem with [her] ethnicity like [she] had a problem with the fact that [she] born African-American (Reynolds). This along with the documentary on Lacey Schwartz show that a person’s sense of blackness is very much a product of what others around them define blackness as. However, it is not clear
In his essay, “On Being Black and Middle Class” (1988), writer and middle-class black American, Shelby Steele adopts a concerned tone in order to argue that because of the social conflicts that arise pertaining to black heritage and middle class wealth, individuals that fit under both of these statuses are ostracized. Steele proposes that the solution to this ostracization is for people to individualize themselves, and to ‘“move beyond the victim-focused black identity” (611). Steele supports his assertion by using evidence from his own life and incorporating social patterns to his text. To reach his intended audience of middle-class, black people, Steele’s utilizes casual yet, imperative diction.
Wilson, William J. More Than Just Race: Being Black and Poor in the Inner City. New York: Norton & Company, 2009. Print.
In today’s age, African-Americans are still viewed as the lower race. There are entire ghettos associated with housing only African-American individuals and cities are divided among racial lines. For example, our hometown of Chicago, the north serves as residence to the “whites” while the south end of the city home to “blacks”. There is a wide-spread belief that African-Americans are not as smart as the rest of the population, are in some way related to a criminal background, and/or do not care about their betterment in any way and are lazy. This is because, Mills argues, racial realists associate racial characteristics to the “peculiar” history of that race. This makes argument makes logical sense given the oppressive history of African-Americans in
America has been described as a "melting pot"-- a land full of diversity. With that diversity comes a full range of income levels and statuses of its inhabitants, from the very, very rich to the destitute. Ronald Taylor's article entitled "African-American Youth: Their Social and Economic Status in the United States" focuses on the issue of polarization. Polarization occurs when an increase of the percentage of people in poverty coincides with an increase of the percentage of people with higher incomes. Fewer people are considered 'middle class', but are either rich or poor.
Another inequality that African Americans faced in the Consumers’ Republic was during the 1950s and 1960s, when African Americans were discriminated against from accessing housing in suburbia. After the postwar period, suburbia saw a 45 percent increase in growth because American citizens wanted to live the “American Dream” by living in a fancy neighbourhood with white picket fences, cars, and children, demonstrating the status of a middle class citizen (p. 195). White Americans left major metropolitan cities and went to the suburbs because African American veterans were overcrowding these areas after the war. White Americans viewed African Americans as beacons of greater poverty and crime and continued this fear as they moved to the suburbs because they believed that if their neighbourhood became racially intermixed then their property value would fall (p. 213). The first sort of
What Kotlowitz provide scene is nothing less than a paradigm of race relations in the United States today. Dialogue at the local and even physical proximity, blacks and whites largely occupied by ignorance and fear of different things. The black middle class, despite its growth, still returns at the end of the working day is generally isolated
But separation is that which done voluntarily, by two equals- for the good of both!” (246) Malcolm defined segregation and separation were two different things. Segregation was created by white government to control African Americans, that could also have been called slavery. However, the definition for separation was the formation of African American, they build their own communities in order to balk at the white society. One example from Malcolm’s childhood which he experienced racism. When he was a child, he witnessed both his parents destroyed by white society, but what may have influenced him the most was he attended school in Lansing, there he experienced affliction on a daily basis by his classmates and teacher. Even as Malcolm X earned top grades and was voted for being the class president, a teacher dishearten him from being a lawyer because Malcolm X was black and taught him bigoted propaganda. This was Malcolm’s first-time interaction with integration. Malcolm left Michigan because he knew that he could not avoid the limiting racial identity that society enforced on
“On Being Black…” is an autobiographical essay discussing the black working class and how in order for black women to “have-it-all” they must have a career, home, and husband. But when Bonner refers to the younger generations, they find flaws with the working class’ expectations on becoming middle to upper class. The Young Black generation challenges the ideology of what it means to “have-it-all,” while dismantling institutional racism to create their own ideological racial uplift. In both works, she questions racial categorization and the divisions among class amongst African Americans, a reoccurring theme for her later
At the turn of the Twentieth Century America is one generation removed from the civil war. For African Americans times are supposed to be improving following the Reconstruction of the south and the ratification of the 15th amendment. Except, in actuality life is still extremely tough for the vast majority of African Americans. Simultaneously, the birthing of the industrial revolution is taking place in America and a clear social divide in daily livelihood and economic prosperity is forming across the country. This time is known as the Gilded Age because as the metaphor emphasizes, only a thin layer of wealth and prosperity of America’s elite robber barons is masking the immense amount of impoverished American laborers. Among the vast majority
Boser, Ulrich. "The Black Man's Burden." U.S. News & World Report 133.8 (2002): 50. Academic
The first condition necessary to create and promote this system of white superiority was a lack of education amongst blacks. Many blacks thus supported Booker T. Washington’s mentality, one that promoted passive acquiescence to white power by learning basic skills such as reading and writing, and then attending vocational schools. In Washington’s own words, delivered at the 1895 Atlanta Exposition Address, “Cast down your bucket where you are… No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem. It is at the bottom of life we must begin, and not at the top” (Washington 219-220). It seems absurd for Washington to claim that blacks needed to begin at the bottom of life, when they had always been at the bottom of life in America. Although his view was widely accepted, it was antithetical and full of pitfalls compared to that proposed by the supremely educated scholar W.E.B.
During those times white people had an inclination to simplify racial groups, this was something Ellison challenged in his writings. Ellison had an interview on 1961 which he criticized “the sociological approach” that white scholars had accepted and black Americans had unfortunately adopted.“Unfortunately,” he stated, “many Negroes have been trying to define their own predicament in exclusively sociological terms, a situation I consider quite shortsighted. (Cain