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Multilateralism and small states
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Introduction
Only at its 50th year, Singapore has been through roller coaster ride, having had confrontations with superpowers, lobbied for sanctions, and enjoyed warming ties with neighbours. I argue Singapore’s foreign policy must always be exceptional for success. Exceptionalism – defined vis-à-vis theories on the limited nature of small state behaviour – entails actions contrary to these expectations, possibly demanding small states’ deliberate, proactive and tactful pursuit of influence and clout. Intrinsic and unique challenges of Singapore’s foreign policy – which are coloured by structural disadvantages of small states – relative to its objectives which these difficulties inhibit the pursuit of, require it always be exceptional to close this gap. Firstly, a challenge is how, due to its size, it faces vulnerabilities and the risk of irrelevance to other powers. Secondly, its hostile geopolitical environment unfriendly to small states forms the ongoing backdrop its external affairs. Thirdly, due to its domestic developmental model’s outward orientation, it needs to interact and assert itself in a foreign policy biased against small states. These foreign policy challenges impede successful achievement of its objectives, the maintenance of sovereignty, and the procurement of needs for its society’s prosperity, which require advancement of economic and political goals in the international realm. To resolve tensions between these paradoxical challenges and objectives, Singapore cannot fall short of exceptionalism. Moreover, it appears to lack viable alternatives to exceptionalism. While strategic resources, Great Powers links and use of multilateral institutions may allow it to bypass small state weaknesses, they fail to provi...
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...decoupled nature of Singapore’s domestic and foreign affairs does not necessarily mean it can fall short of exceptionalism.
Conclusion
There is a striking misalignment between Singapore’s foreign policy challenges and objectives. As a small state, it suffers from intrinsic vulnerabilities and the risk of irrelevance; challenges arising from its size are worsened by its hostile geopolitical environment, and its need to constantly interact with its foreign policy environment due to its outward-orientation. As these challenges pose contradictions to the pursuit of its foreign policy objectives, it must always be exceptional to succeed. It seems to lack viable alternatives to exceptionalism, as its most promising options – leveraging on its strategic resources, multilateral institutions or Great Power Strategy – does not provide it escape from small state weaknesses.
In no field other than politics does the justification for action often come from a noteworthy event and the true cause stays hidden behind the headlines. The United States’ transformation from a new state to a global superpower has been a methodical journey molded by international conditions (the global terrain for statecraft), the role of institutions and their programmed actions, and ultimately, the interests of actors (the protection of participants in making policy’s items and i...
The meaning of American exceptionalism has evolved from the two definitions of “unique” and “special” to include an appointed mission and has been used to justify action and consolidate people around ideas. The U.S. went from identifying itself as an exemplar nation for the world to emulate, to creating an interventionist mission of exceptionalism. Today “American exceptionalism” is a term of polarization that divides the right and the left in America.
On the first day of class, I wasn’t so sure what the term “American Exceptionalism” meant, but by the end I have figured it out. American Exceptionalism is the notion that America is uniquely different from the other nations. The reason America is “uniquely different” from the other nations is because, the world expects America to lead, have values, pursue freedom, be diverse and open, and also practice democracy. Being a democratic nation makes us the city upon the hill. America is like a big brother, other nations look to us for help, guidance, and prosperity. The values and beliefs about politics and the government shape our American culture. The stress on a distinct national identity is appropriate within an increasingly diverse nation state and ever globalizing world. I agree upon this statement, because America deserves to be known as the “it” nation. America is more accepting, we are like a melting pot of different cultures and ethnicities.
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...each into the international community. This is evident in the types of nationalism I’ve explored, both new nationalism and cosmopolitanism. They are opposing views of what nationalism is or can become in the future, but both have qualities that allow smaller nations to continue their existence in the international society. I have inadvertently expressed my opinion that nations are structurally political and that it is in the interest of their leaders to appeal to their unique traditions in order to maintain their power. Either way, the choice between these two approaches rests on the hands of the nation and its relationship with the international society. Globalization does not hinder the existence of the nation but rather helps it establish a place in the structure of power in a world which is still dominated by politically and economically dominant super powers.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the world’s only unquestioned superpower. How the United States evaluates its position as global hegemon has important consequences for American foreign policy, particularly with regards to the potential for future policy constraints. Thus, this paper seeks to consider the question: How durable is American hegemony? The paper first defines the state of American hegemony and then considers the primary challengers: Europe, Russia, China, Japan and imperial overstretch. It will conclude that in the long-term, East Asian geopolitical instability poses the greatest threat to American hegemony, but that in the short-term, the hegemony will prove to be quite durable as long as the United States can counteract the phenomenon of imperial overstretch. In order to diffuse both internal and international threats to hegemony, American leaders should work to pursue national interests within a framework of consensus and legitimacy as much as possible.
Singapore as a country has had various transformations throughout its history, however the period 1950 and 1970 was quite critical. Much of these changes had a lot to do with the development of trade and manufacturing. This is without forgetting the financial sector where the intention was to come up with a financial hub that could be used in economic development. Looking at the case of Singapore, we would say that it is a productive economy with a very high market competition. This observation has been further clarified by the Swiss International Institute for Management Development, going with their report that they released in the year 2001 (Chellaraj & Mattoo, 2009). In this study, we intend to evaluate the case of political economy of development in Singapore and examine the tensions between the state and various economic institutions. In additions to examining this institution, we would also like to examine how these variables have contributed towards the attainment of favorable growth rates and economic prosperity.
Comparative advantage means that an industry, firm, country or individual are able to produce goods and services at a lower opportunity cost than others which are also producing the same goods and services. Also, in order to be profitable, the number in exports must be higher than the number in import. From the diagram we seen above, Singapore is seen to have a comparative advantage in some services. The services are Transport, Financial, business management, maintenance & Repair and Advertising & Market Research, etc. These export services to other countries improve the balance of payment. On the other side, Singapore is seen to have a comparative disadvantage in some services. The services are Travel, Telecommunications, Computer & Information,
Mahbubani argues that global dominance is moving to the east primarily due to the United States incompetence (weakness) and growing capability of Asian nations. He furthers this notion by strongly indicating that the West is inhibiting Asian progress. Mahbubani further indicates that the west has lost its legitimacy due to violating international protocol. Mahbabani recommends a return to domestic good governance and specifies that some Asian countries are now ready to join the west in becoming “responsible custodian” (pp. 4) of the global order.
Progressive era foreign policy was motivated by a variety of factors including racial and national superiority, business and economic interests, strategic concerns, and idealism. Excerpts from For the Record provide various examples supporting the concerns that led to America’s foreign policy.
China's Foreign Policy Since the initial warming of U.S.-China relations in the early 1970’s, policymakers have had difficulty balancing conflicting U.S. policy concerns in the People’s Republic of China. In the strange world of diplomacy between the two, nothing is predictable. From Nixon to Clinton, presidents have had to reconcile security and human rights concerns with the corporate desire for expanded economic relations between the two countries. Nixon established ties with Mao Zedong’s brutal regime in 1972. And today, Clinton’s administration is trying to influence China’s course from within a close economic and diplomatic relationship.
This essay will describe the characteristics of the modern nation-state, explain how the United States fits the criteria of and functions as a modern nation-state, discuss the European Union as a transnational entity, analyze how nation-states and transnational entities engage on foreign policy to achieve their interests, and the consequences of this interaction for international politics.
Film critics and audiences have dubbed I Not Stupid an excellent commentary on the education system and government paternalism. The movie stars three school children who have been channelled into the undesirable EM3 stream, and shows the trials and tribulation of these children and their parents. I Not Stupid has been described as a "coming of age movie"1 for its rare ability to criticise the government and its policies and bring pertinent issues to light, so much so that many are surprised that it managed to get past the not-too-kind local board of censors. This presents us with an interesting question - with its explicit references to the government and its blatant criticisms of government policies, how did this political satire get past the censorship board? Was it a case of the censors deciding that this sort of criticism was acceptable once in a while? Or perhaps the censors just saw the movie differently. At first mention, the latter might sound very unlikely. However, if we ask ourselves what the real butt of the satire is, we might begin to realise that there is a possibility that this movie is not intended to be a political satire at all. In fact, it is my contention that the butt of the satire in this movie is the Singaporean mentality, and not the government.
Using Singapore to debate has an interesting point of view. After it separation from Malaysia at 9 of August 1965. The nation became an independent state. Singapore was on her own, a tiny island lack of natural resource such as oil and rubber plantation, and on the other hand Singapore own a strategic harbour location.
An economic powerhouse, Singapore 's highly educated and employed populace is vaguely reminiscent of a Western society, at least more so than Malaysia 's. There is no prominent, let alone state-managed, system of racial or religious discrimination. In fact, Singapore seems to go out of its way to make identity a non-issue for Singaporeans (Lecture 7), who seem more concerned about the influence of foreigners than about racial divisions amongst themselves (Lecture 10). However, I argue that the very act of attempting to make racial and ethnic identity a non-issue is in and of itself an act of identity politics. Singapore 's fastidious management and extensive urban planning, carried out in large part by Lee Kuan Yew and the People 's Action Party, is a prime example of identity politics at play in Singapore. Singapore 's architects designed the island-nation carefully, its small size putting a premium on developmental space, encouraging extensive forethought (Lecture 7). For instance, Singapore was made to be equally accessible to all residents via the mass-transit SMRT system, with no region more economically or socially desirable than another (at least in theory) and this in part discouraged the formation of ethnic ghettos (Ibid). Similarly, Singapore 's highly coveted public housing units are designed and managed by the PAP, and their ethnic compositions are carefully managed so as to be representative