This topic is also well discussed in many of the standard textbooks, but a bit unevenly and a bit oddly. Thus Haralambos and Holborn (1990), or Barnard and Burgess (1996) have good sections specifically on gender and educational achievement. However, rather strangely, the section on education is treated almost entirely as a sort of empirical matter and not linked very well to the other admirable sections on gender generally, or gender in the family or work sections. This is especially odd in the Bilton et al (1996) classic, written by a team that includes a prominent feminist (M Stanworth) and which has good sections on genderas an organising pespective in the theory and methodology chapters.
So, one suggestion is to take the material specifically on gender in education, but to read up the topics more widely and generally in the other relevant chapters as well. As before, I'll try to show how this might be done via my own glosses and interests:
Early work focused on female underachievement in the formal education system, which was (finally) considered to be as much of a 'dysfunctional' outcome as underachievement by working class kids ( see file on connections between educational policy and functionalist models of stratification). If the educational reforms of the period in Britain after World War 2 were designed to make sure the most talented kids got to the highest levels of achievement, we would expect as many girls as boys to hit those levels -- selective schools, sixth-form, examination success, university entrance or whatever. This was clearly not the case in the 1950s and 1960s. These gender differences began to be explained initially using the same sort of factors that had been used to explain working-class underachievement.
1. Early theories suggested that females were not as able or as intelligent as males, and there is still a lot of stuff around on relative brain sizes or supposedly innate cognitive limits. There are obvious objections to this view too, of course -- such as that the tests of intelligence are likely to be value-laden. Equally, there is a methodological problem, one which runs through all the work on gender that involves biological explanations - biological accounts are reductionist in that they try to reduce a number of complex social differences to one simple set of biological differ...
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Hammersley M (ed) (1986) Case Studies in Classroom Research, Milton Keynes: Open University Press
Hammersley M and Woods P (eds) (1984) Life in School, Milton Keynes: Open University Press
Haralambos M and Martin M (1990) Sociology: themes and perspectives, London: Collins Education
Harris D (1987) Openness and Closure in Distance Education, Basingstoke: Falmer Press
Kaplan A (1987) Rocking Around the Clock, London: Methuen
Kinder M (1991) Playing with Power in Movies, TV and Video Games, Los Angeles: University of California Press
McRobbie A and Nava A (eds) (1984) Gender and Generation, London: Macmillan
Mulvey L (1982) 'Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema' in Bennett T et al (eds) Popular Television and Film, London: BFI in association with the Open University Press
Sharpe S (1976) Just Like a Girl, Harmondsworth: Penguin
Waites B et al (1981) Popular Culture: past and present, London: Croom Helm
Whyld J (ed) (1983) Sexism in the Secondary Curriculum, London: Harper and Row
Willis P (1977) Learning to Labour, Farnborough: Saxon House
Woods P and Hammersley M (eds) Gender and Ethnicity in Schools : ethnographic accounts, London: Routledge
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