In 1994, for the first time in 40 years, Congress was drastically changed. The
Democratic majority was uprooted and new, lively, freshmen were instated with a
job to undertake. As part of the Republican=s AContract with America,@ these
new Republicans had to revise the current Congressional term limit status. In
undertaking this task, these men and women ran into a seemingly stone road-block.
This roadblock consisted of long-term, carreerists who were unwilling to change.
The problem was not that there were no Congressmen who were committed to real
change elected in 1994 because there were, but Congress was highly dominated by
long-term careerists in both parties who seemed to have more loyalty to the
system than to their constituents. As Thomas Jefferson put it, "Whenever a man
has cast a longing eye on offices, a rottenness begins in his conduct." (Oxford
dictionary of quotations, p.272) Over time, career legislators are more likely
to promote the interest of the establishment of which they are part than that of
the larger public. This fact is not surprising. If most of a persons time is
spent meeting with lobbyists, constituents, and bureaucrats, that person may
actually come to believe what these influential people are saying. This is why
new blood needs to enter Congress more frequently, in order to avoid the highly
influenced Congress that is filled with old people with old ideals. Needless to
say the once optimistic freshmen were unsuccessful in their task, and it=s plain
to see why. Until that changes, Congress is not going to change. Congressmen
need to get back to basics and realize that they are in office to serve their
people, and not themselves.
What would change Congress is term limits. By the middle of last year nearly
half of the states had restricted, almost all of them by popular vote, the
number of terms that their members of Congress could serve. But then the Supreme
Court intervened. In U.S. Term Limits, Inc., et al. v. Thornton et al., a narrow
five-to-four majority voided these restrictions, stating that "allowing
individual States to craft their own qualifications for Congress would thus
erode the structure envisioned by the Framers, a structure that was designed, in
the words of the Preamble to our Constitution, to form a Amore perfect Union.@
(US Law Week, 1995)
... middle of paper ...
..., Edward H.(2), "Six and Twelve: The Case for Serious Term Limits,"
National Civic Review, 1991. P. 251.
Jefferson, Thomas. "Letter to Tench Coxe" 1799, The Oxford Dictionary of
Quotations, 3d ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979, p. 272.
McLaughlin, Fabrizio, Memorandum to "all interested parties," February 6, 1996,
p. 1. (www.poilticalscience/pub/quotes.com)
Moore, Stephen and Steelman, Aaron. "An Antidote to Federal Red Ink: Term
Limits," Cato Institute Briefing Paper no. 21, November 3, 1994, p. 21.
Payne, James, AThe Culture of Spending: Why Congress Lives beyond Our Means@
University Press, 1991 p. 175-80.
Smith, Bradley A. "Campaign Finance Regulation: Faulty Assumptions and
Undemocratic Consequences," Cato Institute Policy Analysis no. 238, September
13, 1995, p. A15 (www.cato.org)
U.S. Term Limits, Inc., et al. v. Thornton et al., 63 U.S. Law Week 4413, 4432.
May 22, 1995.
Wall Street Journal "Conflict in Congress," Wall Street Journal, April 22, 1996,
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