Officially participation in Morocco is conditioned by the respect of the superior role of the King, his circle of elites and his religious validity in exchange for the regime to refrain from repression. (Zeghal, 2008). The PJD party presently stands on the front, in the middle of two extremes, the Monarch Makhzen (the King and his inner circle) and the Islamic movement al-Adl wal-Ihsan ) Justice and Benevolence. Al-Adl wal-Ihsan has long presented itself as a candidate of monarchical totalitarianism, he has even stated that “The Kingdom is unlawful.” The main
goal of PJD was retaining a presence in parliament and evading a challenge to the regime.
Much loyalty is given to the monarchy and several top candidates for top internal position had to withdraw because they were too radical (Mekouar, 2010: 7).
In spite of major reforms of the Moroccan system, the King’s power is positively affecting the political system (Sater, 2009:390). The PJD participates in election based on qualities not quantity because they do not want to be more successful than the King in the elections. A major portion of leftists and women’s organizations fear the The problem with cooperating between secularists and PJD in Morocco makes it plain that a major part of leftist political spectrum and women’s organizations fear the moderation of the PJD (Howe, 2005: 334).
Trust issues exist on both sides and distrust between the two sides increased after a terrorist attack in Casablanca in 2003. The attack permitted secularist acceptability and the political rhetoric to protest against Islamists. A campaign was started to abolish the PJD (Hamzawy, 2008: 11) elections (Wegner, 2007: 80). The PJD’s inability to make an effective alliance with secular partie...
... middle of paper ...
...y for Islamic studies, and he appointed the army with leaders who sympathized with Islamic conservatives (Hefner, 2000).
Soeharto wanted a regimist Islam not a civil Islam, he wanted a calm dictatorship. Some Islamic conservatives opposed the regime and created campaigns of intimidation and terror during Soeharto’s last years. His activities were disloyal to the philosophical foundation of diversity and he exploited ethnic religious factions to gain power and civil society, and civil Islam was severely damaged. In 1998 Soeharto was no longer in power it is realized that equality, justice, and universal citizenship along with a civil society of self-governing relations are necessary for democracy. Because civil Islam is a rejection of an Islamic state Muslims in Indonesia are targets for political entities that do not want a democratic, peaceful region (Hefner, 2000).
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