A brief outline of the threats of a rising China versus the threats of a rising India:
1. Both India and China have comparable power will undermine the US’ ability to protect its interests. Power transitions between international super powers are dangerous. Furthermore, unipolarity is less dangerous than bipolarity because there are less clashes and competitiveness. We have seen this before in the Cold War with the Soviet Union.
2. Both China’s goals and India’s goals are incompatible with US goals which will inherently lead to conflict
3. Increasing Chinese power will lead to more ambitious Chinese goals (or may not). This goes the same for India. It is important to know whether or not the opposing superpowers goals are limited or not. As exemplified by the Soviet Union and by Western Germany, as rising superpowers gain power, they may also continue to expand their goals, which will ultimately lead to increasing conflict.
4. While some theories do not see a democratic difference, powerful non-democracies are more likely to challenge the US. In the case of China, this could prove to be a security threat, as democracies and non-democracies tend to have quite a lot of conflicts. However, India is a ...
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...at they probably would not be able to match the US’ security powers. The United States already has key allies in South Korea and Japan, and would probably ally with China in the situation in which India is rising. Realists would agree that without regional allies, it would be hard for India to gain much security threat. In this situation, liberalists would argue that India would be most successful integrating into the western institutions already in place. Overall, the a rising India and a rising China have very similar qualities, but according to international relations theories, India would not be as much of security threat as China.
Glaser, Charles. "Will China's Rise Lead to War?" Foreign Affairs 90.2 (2011): 80-91
Ikenberry, John. "The Rise of China and the Future of the West: Can the Liberal System Survive?" Foreign Affairs 87.1 (2008): 23-37.
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