Integration And Integration

In this essay, the question “To what extent is ‘integration’ a policy exchange in contexts of superdiversity?” will be discussed and explored in detail.

Steven Vertovec describes the term ‘super-diversity,’ as a “notion intended to underline a level and kind of complexity surpassing anything the country has previously experienced. Such a condition is distinguished by a dynamic interplay of variables among an increased number of new, small and scattered, multiple-origin, transnationally connected, socio-economically differentiated and legally stratified immigrants who have arrived over the last decade” (Vertovec, 2007).

Whilst integration can be defined as “the process by which immigrants become accepted into society, both as individuals and

This has been reiterated by Kauffman and Harris (2014), as they state that “the speed of change in an area’s ethnic makeup is the most significant factor in the level of local opposition to immigration.” Finney and Simpson then argue that “prevalent myths shape and perpetuate contemporary common sense understandings of population diversity as a threat to “indigenous British” identity. Myths are powerful stories that have influence in politics, the media, and public discourse” (Wolfe, 2010:109) even though they are not true. They’ve also composed challenges to five myths about immigration and integration that underpin the UK’s political and public discourse: “Britain takes too many immigrants,” “So many minorities cannot be integrated,” “Minorities do not want to integrate,” “Britain is becoming a country of ghettos,” and “Minority White Cities” (Wolfe, 2010:109). Trevor Phillips, who was the head of the Commission for Racial Equality in 2005, argued that the UK was ‘sleepwalking’ its way towards segregation on a scale already seen in the USA. The evidence is there to be seen and “it’s just going unspoken” (Casciani,

But while policymakers talk about the economic benefits of immigration, many voters remain unconvinced (Ratcliffe, 2014). “British people feel unsettled by the flux and change brought on by immigration. Public attitudes towards immigration are hardening and showing no signs of abating. Politicians and policymakers are faced with the formidable challenge of reconciling the effects of globalisation with an intangible sense of loss of identity across many communities in the UK” (Sachrajda and Griffith, 2014:5). As stated in The Guardian (2014), immigration creates challenges for public services, which are creaking under the weight of the additional demand. Furthermore many schools are unprepared to accommodate children with EASL (English as a second language) whilst hospitals are full of foreign patients who have failed to register with their local GP and social housing lists are growing ever longer. In some regards it is not just the increased numbers but also the changing nature of immigration that has created these impacts, as said by Sunder Katwala, director of British Future. Equally, there is a higher rate of “churn” – immigrants staying here on a temporary basis - that is also changing the dynamic of the way they relate to their communities (Slack,