Government 's Family Intervention Project Essay

Government 's Family Intervention Project Essay

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There were many responses to the Riots in August 2011 that, having started in Tottenham, London spread across Britain over the following five days. One major policy response was the Troubled Families Programme (Home Office, 2011) which was rolled out in November 2011, having been proposed in 2010 as scaled up version of the previous Labour government 's Family Intervention Project which aimed to target 120,000 troubled families in order to break the so called cycle of offending. According to Sim (2012), such responses led to the further disenfranchisement of working class families, increasing the distance between what Marxists term the 'haves and have-nots ', which are the upper and upper-middle classes – the haves – and the lower, working class – the have nots, this disenfranchisement is a catalyst for deviancy (ACCORDING TO), the exact thing the policy set out to prevent. It is possible that this top-down policy was rushed out earlier than intended in light of the riots to show an attempt by the Government of regaining control albeit in contradiction to the de-centralised manner that the new coalition Government had promised (Heap and Smithson, 2012).
The implementation of this policy was down to local councils by using their discretion as to who was suitable to be involved it, which whilst it allows for discretion is assessing personal circumstances, it also causes arbitrary application of the policy between areas. This multi-agencies approach links to Foucault 's responsibilization theory, which according to Garland (1997) disperses the responsibility of crime control away from the government and onto other members of the community, thus reducing the possibility of blame put onto the government when things go wrong. This...

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...ues that is this was the cause of rioting, then there would be far more cases of riots in areas with high youth unemployment.
Lea and Young (1984) also talk about the importance of pre-emptive deterrence, shown in that the ideas behind reparation are about preventing future offending which links to findings by Murray and Farrington (2010) who amongst the many risk factors they deduced from the research, they claim that having a parent in prison poses a risk for the next generation to commit crime. They do however state that more research needs to be done to see how changes in these risk factors affect criminality. However, as Young (1997) later critiqued, left realism accepts crime at face value, in that it doesn’t look for the deeper reasons behind someone’s offending behaviour within the real life social world, which is vital to be able to prevent re-offending.

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