The EU enlargement is not only a historical benefit of the
EU, but also its obligation, having in mind the fact that the
Union has set this issue as its highest priority. The success of the enlargement depends not only on the vigor of the collective efforts that the member countries are making in this field, but it is also related with the support to this process from the citizens of the countries that want to join the Union. This is why the enlargement must be a fully prepared and transparent process that will see its success only if there is democratic support from all sides(1).
The enlargement is a complex economic, political and legal process. This paper will take into consideration the legal dimension of the EU enlargement, as defined and interpreted by the EU institutions, in order to provide better understanding of the characteristics and the dynamics of this process.
The paper will also try to offer an outcome solution for the two-decade long process that Macedonia has with Greece over the name of the country, which imposes a direct obstacle for the country's EU integration.
I. ABOUT THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE EU ENLARGEMENT
The legal aspects of the accession process are clearly listed in all of the founding treaties of the European Community, i.e. of the EU1
. More specifically, the Lisbon Treaty clearly states
1 The legal basis for the enlargement of the EU can be found in
Articles 49 and 6 of the Treaty on European Union (exArticle O TEU). Article that "every country – applicant for EU membership is subject of specific, legally defined accession process(3)."
In order to develop a successful strategy for EU accession, every applicant country must be aware of the legal nature and of the dynamics of the accession procedure, ...
... middle of paper ...
...2.09.2009.
[11] Mathias Roth (2009), Bilateral Disputes Between EU Member States and Russia, CEPS Working Document No. 319/August 2009, Centre for
European Policy Studies, http://www.ceps.eu.
[12] Stabilisation and Association Agreement between the Republic of
Macedonia and the European Communities and their member countries,
"Official Gazette of the Republic of Macedonia – international agreements", No 28, 13 April 2001 (p.19).
[13] United Nations Security Council, Resolution 817 (1993),
S/RES/817(1993), 7. April 1993, Resolution 845 (1993),
S/RES/845(1993), 18. June 1993.
[14] Interim Accord, United Nations-Treaty Series, 1995.
[15] Non-paper Chronology of Slovenia-Croatia Border Issue, http://www.esiweb/org/pdf. [16] Official Journal of the European Union, 30.12.2005, Commission
Decision of 15. November 2005 amending its Rules of Procedure
(2005/960/EC, Euroatom).
The case of Francovich had a significant impact on the European Union (EU) law. If a conflict arises between the EU law and the national law, the EU law highly prevails. The European Union law is a framework of treaties and legislation, which have a direct or indirect effect on the laws of the member states which are bound to the European Union. Primary and Secondary laws are the two sources of the EU law. This essay will firstly analyse the main institutions of the European Union and define various legal terms. It will then move on, to discuss the case of Francovich and the importance it had for state liability. Furthermore, it will refer to subsequent cases which are linked with state liability and had an impact on the EU Law. Lastly, my own views about State Liability will be presented.
...ifferent story of the EU that has not been focused on in other books or papers. This original, unbiased approach allows the reader to put the EU in a historical perspective that also helps understanding at least the changing forces. In addition, it seems that the author wants to make the public or his audience comfortable with the idea of uncertainty that has been affecting the EU. His second part shows how the current shape was not only the result of political or economic reasons, but also a response of a changing external environment. Moreover, the idea of purgatory as well as the philosophical references and analogies gives the book an exciting, unique demission that links politics, history, and philosophy. However, it would be interesting if the author has included technical analysis and incorporated political science theories to draw policy recommendations.
It is well known that after World War II, states began to move away from the trends of nationalism that had brought on conflict in the first place. Across large parts of Europe, there is instead great support for federalism and get support for integration and interdependence. In 1952, the European Coal and Steel Community was created, followed by the establishment of European Economic Community in 1957. With allies being made and different treaties and agreements being signed, Europe was definitely becoming a ‘federation’. In 1973, Britain joins the EEC along with Denmark and Ireland. The European Union is then formally established by the Maastricht in 1993 and gains its 28th member, Croatia by July 2013. When a referendum was taken in the UK regarding joining the EU the vote was two-to-one in favour. The benefits of joining of the EU were clear. The UK would benefit not only in an economic sense but also politically and socially. However, in recent times, opinions have changed. There is now debate as to whether the UK should remain n member of the EU. More and more people are speaking in favour of the United Kingdom leaving the EU and standing on its own. While there are persuasive arguments for and against, it could still be argued that the argument against...
Thomassen, J. 2009. The Legitimacy of the European Union after Enlargement. In: Thomassen, J. Eds. The Legitimacy of the European Union after Enlargement. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 67-86.
The European Union (EU) is fundamentally democratic and is evident through its institutions, however, the current democratic electoral structure is of great concern. The EU is a new type of political system, often referred to as a sui generis, implying its uniqueness as there exists and a non comparable political body. The EU can neither regarded as a ‘state’ nor as an ‘international institution’ as it combines supranational as well as intergovernmental characteristics (Hix, 1999, p7). In this regard it has developed its own understandings of what democracy is. It is evident that the development of and spread of democracy is a central concept and foundation to all politics within the EU, and remains focuses on makings its governing institutions “more transparent and democracy”. The recent Eurozone crisis, it’s associated anti-crisis measures and the recent enlargement of EU have however re-invigorated debate about the EUs democratic legitimacy. At the heart of the debate are discussions not about whether the EU is an all-encompassing democratic institution but rather what are ‘democratic deficits’ or the democratic shortcomings that exist within this powerful economic and political union. Underpinning these divisions as Schmitter argues, are different understandings of what democracy is in the modern context and more specifically in the unique context of the EU. This essay will argue that the EU presents a unique type of political system that is fundamentally democratic, however, there are democratic shortcomings within its procedural and institutional structure.
One of the original European institutions is the Commission. Though it was one of the originals, the institution has tremendously changed from what it used to be when the European integration first began. The Commission is a supranational body responsible for legislation proposals and policy implementation. It continues to work toward a more democratic European Union every day with the new legislations and laws that it passes. In this paper I will establish why I believe the EU Commission to be a supranational body, it’s relevance to the European Union and some of the strengths and weaknesses of the institution for the citizens of the European Union.
The UN mediation in Cyprus during this period is characterised by the complete absence of a clear idea of what the post-1974 political settlement should be. In other words, the UN did not manage to address questions like: should the Zurich-London Agreements be upheld? Did those agreements provide a viable solution to the Cyprus problem at the first place? If not, how could a new political settlement be justified and presented to the affected parties (Turkey and Turkish-Cypriots)? What guarantees could be given to the affected parties for future developments? How committed could the international community be in long-term in providing the necessary guarantees? If such commitments were not upheld by the guarantor powers and the rest of the international community during the events of 1974, why one could expect things to be different in the future?
This essay will be concerned with the question whether the EU should grant Ukraine potential candidate status, for it has never done so explicitly. In testing the hypothesis that it should do this, it will, firstly, consider whether there is a basis for cooperation between the two polities. Secondly, it will mention the current state of agreements. Thirdly, it will analyse the criticism to these agreements. Fourthly, it will expose counter-arguments for this criticism.
Montenegro is the crossroad between the Balkans and the Mediterranean and is as a stabilizing factor and a country with a bright prospect. It recognizes the merits of neighbourly relations and integration as the basis for its successful development. The foreign policy priorities of Montenegro are the integration into the EU and NATO, improving and maintaining neighbourly relations and regional cooperation, and developing bilateral and multilateral cooperation. Montenegro sees the integration and admittance into the EU and NATO because of taking initiative and an active role in regional development of communication and political, economic, security, cultural, and scientific cooperation. This country shares many foreign policy goals with its immediate neighbours, especially Serbia, due to historical, cultural and long-term economic ties.
It is for each member state to lay down the criteria for acquisition of Nationality, which is the only way to access EU citizenship, therefore, I believe, the contradiction between that competence of the Member State and the actions of the CJEU in matters of EU citizenship is a very important and interesting topic of research.
The delimitation of the maritime border and the continental shelf is one of the most complicated and delicate issues of Albania. It is related to historical affairs, Albanian heritage, economic development, international relations and the exploitation of our maritime natural resources. This delimitation has a great influence on the security and international politics between the states that are included in this issue and most importantly in the security and the prosperity of the region.
The Republic of Macedonia, a small country located in the heart of the Balkan Peninsula, declared its independence from Yugoslavia on 8th September 1991. The Republic of Macedonia now shares its borders with five neighboring countries (alphabetically as follows): Albania (Western Neighbor), Bulgaria (Eastern Neighbor), Greece (Southern Neighbor), Kosovo and Serbia (Northern Neighbors). The population of Macedonia is approximately two million people, out of which 64% are native Macedonians, and the other minority and/or ethnic groups include: 25% Albanians, 4% Turks, 3% Romani, 2% Serbs and 2% other population. The capital city of Macedonia is Skopje and the official language that is spoken in the Republic of Macedonia is the Macedonian language
Austria as the Main Barrier for Italian Reunification. Austria was one of the major barriers for Italian reunification taking place during 1815-1831. However, a number of other problems beset. Italian nationalists during this period that weakened the movement.
The enlargement of the European Union (EU) in 2004 and 2007 has been termed as the largest single expansion of the EU with a total of 12 new member states – bringing the number of members to 27 – and more than 77 million citizens joining the Commission (Murphy 2006, Neueder 2003, Ross 2011). A majority of the new member states in this enlargement are from the eastern part of the continent and were countries that had just emerged from communist economies (EC 2009, Ross 2011), although overall, the enlargement also saw new member states from very different economic, social and political compared to that of the old member states (EC 2009, Ross 2011). This enlargement was also a historical significance in European history, for it saw the reunification of Europe since the Cold War in a world of increasing globalization (EC 2009, Mulle et al. 2013, Ross 2011). For that, overall, this enlargement is considered by many to have been a great success for the EU and its citizens but it is not without its problems and challenges (EC 2009, Mulle et al. 2013, Ross 2011). This essay will thus examine the impact of the 2004/2007 enlargements from two perspectives: firstly, the impact of the enlargements on the EU as a whole, and thereafter, how the enlargements have affected the new member states that were acceded during the 2004/2007 periods. Included in the essay will be the extent of their integration into the EU and how being a part of the Commission has contributed to their development as nation states. Following that, this essay will then evaluate the overall success of the enlargement process and whether the EU or the new member states have both benefited from the accessions or whether the enlargement has only proven advantageous to one th...
Gaining membership to the European Union (EU) has been a frustrating process for Turkey. The Near East nation began its campaign for EU membership nearly 30 years ago under the EU’s predecessor, the European Economic Community. In 2005, 18 years after beginning the application process, Turkey was finally invited to enter accession negotiations. The protracted delay was a result of unfavorable economic conditions in Turkey as well as Turkey’s tumultuous relationships with EU members Greece and Cyprus. Yet, the question remains: why hasn’t Turkey been granted membership to the EU?