Several studies have discussed the effects of the markedness constraint REDUCE, which forces high vowels to delete and low vowels to raise, and its interaction with the other faithfulness and markedness constraints across a group of Arabic dialects (Broselow, 1997), (Watson, 2007), and (Kiparsky, 2003). However, these studies focused on only one of the two effects of REDUCE, which is high vowel deletion, but it did not investigate the other effect of this constraint, which is low vowel raising. Moreover, although they investigated the interaction between high vowel deletion and syllabification, they neglected the other interaction between low vowel deletion and syllabification, which is also caused by some foot well-formedness constraints in the phonology of some of Arabic dialects.
In this paper, I will pursue an analysis of three phonological processes that affect short vowels in non-final open syllables in three dialects of Arabic, namely Zilfaawi, Negev, and Jordanian. These phonological processes targeting short vowels are high vowel deletion, low vowel raising, and low vowel deletion. I will argue that high vowel deletion and low vowel raising are triggered by the reduction requirement in the grammars of these dialects. This requirement is enforced by the markedness constraint REDUCE (Kirchner, 1996) that works to minimize the duration of short vowels in non-final open syllables. The effect of this constraint varies from one dialect to another depending on the ranking of the constraint REDUCE relative to the faithfulness constraints IDENT-low, MAX-low, and MAX-high.
Although the low vowel raises in Zilfaawi and Negev Arabic, low vowel raising is blocked in two environments. One is when the low vowel is preceded by one of t...
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...nd HARMONY, which interact with other faithfulness, metrical, and non-metrical constraints such as IDENT-LOW, MAX-low, NON-FINNOUN, *C.ʔ, and some others. Thus, the re-ranking of these constraints relative to each other will result in a grammar of one of the three dialects.
This paper is organized as follows: In section 1.1, I give a brief overview of the three dialects of Arabic under study. In section 2, I provide data to illustrate the short vowel alternations in these dialects and their blocking conditions. In section 3, a brief introduction to how the transparent stress systems work in all three languages is presented to elucidate why the low vowel deletes in Zilfaawi but not in the other two dialects. In section 4, I pursue an analysis of the stress patterns, the vowel alternations, and their blocking conditions in all three dialects within the OT framework.
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