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influence of social constructivism
influence of social constructivism
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Terrorism has been a longstanding feature of International Relations (IR) but only in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States has the issue come to the forefront. In an attempt to understand how terrorism affects state foreign policy behaviour (FPB), this essay will use role theory to posit that US Foreign Policy (USFP) was shaped by the aforementioned attacks, providing a platform from which to launch the Global War on Terror (GWOT) and giving terrorists the over(reaction) they so desired. It will be postulated that a sociological approach using role theory is well suited to analysing why US Foreign Policy shifted in the wake of 9/11 and sought a unilateral approach, hence rendering terrorism capable of triggering role change as well as being triggered by role-conception.
For the purposes of this essay, role theory will be defined as a state-level theory, linking agent and structure; focusing on how states conceive and adopt roles; and how policymakers’ decisions are constituted by role-conception and critical events such as 9/11 (Maull 2011). Role-conception is defined as: ‘the normative expectations that the role-beholder [ego] expresses towards itself’ and role expectation: how other actors (alter) expect ego to act (Elgström et al. 2006). Ego’s identity is, amongst other factors, constituted through the roles it conceives itself to play and identity affirmation reliant on role-playing by states (Harnisch et al. 2011; McCourt 2011). The term terrorism will be defined in US specifications as: ‘premeditated, politically motivated [emphasis added] violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents’ (US Code Title 22 §2656f). Al Qaeda will be referred t...
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... Methods and Applications of Operational Code Analysis. Edited by M. Schafer and Walker, S.G. . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
United Nations Security Council, . United Nations, "Resolution 1566 (2004)." Last modified 10 2, 2004. Accessed February 17, 2014. http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N04/542/82/PDF/N0454282.pdf?OpenElement.
United States Department of State, United States Code, Title 22: §2656f, Washington, D.C.: 2004. http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/22/2656f (accessed February 18, 2014)
Wiktorowicz, Quintan, and John Kaltner. "Killing in the Name of Islam: Al-Qaeda's Justification for September 11." Middle East Policy Council. no. 2 (2003). http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/147S29.htm (accessed February 21, 2014).
Wilkinson, Paul. Terrorism versus Democracy: The liberal state response. Milton Park, Abingdon, New York: Routledge, 2001.
Barnet, Richard J. “The Ideology of the National Security State”. The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 26, No. 4. 1985, pp. 483-500
Cole, D., & Dempsey, J. X. (2006). Terrorism and the constitution: sacrificing civil liberties in the name of national security. New York: New Press.
Jeffrey David Simon, The Terrorist Trap: America's Experience with Terrorism, 2nd ed. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2001), 188-89.
Likewise, Goodwin illustrates how the use of categorical terrorism can be seem being used by Al-Qaida during the attacks of 9/11. Nonetheless, it is evident that Al-Qaida is unusual in terms of using terrorism to influence the rise of unity rather than trying to overthrow a standing state. For the purpose of instigating a pan-Islamic revolutionary movement, Al-Qaida tries to unite all Islamic people under one state to develop umma, or Muslim community. The logic of Al-Qaida remained that if their “revolutionaries” could illicit a reaction from the powerful US state, resulting in oppression of the middle-eastern region, that Al-Qaida could, as a result, unite all Muslims to counter this suggested oppression. Although the end goal of Al-Qaida clear failed, it does suggest the organization’s attempt at implementing categorical terrorism.
On the other hand, in The Slippery Slope to Preventive War, Neta Crawford questions the arguments put forward by the Bush administration and the National Security Strategy in regard to preemptive action and war. Crawford also criticizes the Bush administration as they have failed to define rogue states and terrorists as they have “blurred the distinction” between “the terrorists and those states in which they reside”. In Crawford’s point of view, taking the battle to the terrorists as self-defence of a preemptive nature along with the failure to distinguish between terrorist and rogue states is dangerous as “preventive war
The United Nations. Resolution 36/103 of the UN General Assembly (1981). N.p.: n.p., n.d. Print.
Historical Significance: The September 11th, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, orchestrated by Al-Qaeda and Bin Laden, were the events that launched the U.S. War on Terrorism. Al-Qaeda’s attack on the United States was carried out by members of radicalized Islamic groups, whose objective was to spread jihad against the secular influence of the West. This tragic event provided the historical b...
My answer to these two questions is threefold: First, I assert that TSMs and INGOs can and have posed substantial normative challenges to state hegemony, most commonly the notion that the state enjoys a monopoly on representation of its citizens and their interests. Furthermore, TSMs and INGOs that employ the use of violence (particularly terrorism) breach the conventional notion that states...
Roberts, M. R. (2011, September 08). "A broad terrorism plan". American City & County, Retrieved from http://elibrary.bigchalk.com.
Retrieved October 1, 2009, from http://www.cd http://www.govtech.com/gt/articles/276683?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email l & utm _ campaign = new % 20 JPS _ 2008_3_26 Hilde Haaland Kramer, & Steve A Yetiv. (2007). The 'Secondary' of the 'Secondary'. The UN Security Council's Response to Terrorism: Before and After September 11, 2001. Political Science Quarterly, 122(3), 409-432.
“Terrorism involves the use of violence by an organization other than a national government to cause intimidation or fear among a target audience;” at least, this is how Pape (2003) defines terrorism in his article “The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism” (343). The goal of this article by Pape is to discuss suicide terrorism and how it “follows a strategic logic, one specifically designed to coerce modern liberal democracies to make significant territorial concessions” (343). Similar to Pape, Bloom (2004) and Horowitz (2010) also delve into the exponential increase of suicide terrorism and why it occurs. Although Pape, Bloom, and Horowitz concur that suicide terrorism is increasing, they disagree why it is so prominent. While the arguments presented from each of these researchers is powerful and certainly plausible, suicide terrorism is in fact not irrational, but strategic and is most often caused by state occupation and, when organized, aimed specifically at democracies.
The threat of global terrorism continues to rise with the total number of deaths reaching 32,685 in 2015, which is an 80 percent increase from 2014 (Global Index). With this said, terrorism remains a growing, and violent phenomenon that has dominated global debates. However, ‘terrorism’ remains a highly contested term; there is no global agreement on exactly what constitutes a terror act. An even more contested concept is whether to broaden the scope of terrorism to include non-state and state actors.
Roth, John, Greensburg, Douglas, and Wille, Serena (2004). National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States- Monograph on Terrorist Financing, National Commission of Terrorist Attacks, Retrieved from http://www.9-11commission.gov/staff_statements/911_TerrFin_Monograph.pdf.
8) ?After the Attack?The War on Terrorism? (2001). Online at: <http://www.monthlyreview.org/1101edit.htm>, consulted on March 29th, 2004.
Hutchinson, Steven, and Pat O’Malley. "A Crime–Terror Nexus? Thinking on Some of the Links between Terrorism and Criminality." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 30.12 (2007): 1095-107.