In this memo I will try to argue that Russian nationalism (in either 'expansionist' or 'defensive' form) and the 'Eurasian' project do not enhance each other and cannot both be sustained at the same time in order to reach goals of both. While nationalism might help preserve the legitimacy of the Russian ruling elite in a short/medium term, in the long run it will have to decide.
There are many reasons for the Russian elite to create the Eurasian Union. Trying to become an equal partner to the European Union and to the globalized world, trying to exert power so it keeps its influence in the region (which Russia considers to be under its influence), but also to build a strong image of Russia as the protector or true European values (conservative) and to protect and promote Russianness. The last goal is strongly motivated by nationalism, which Putin used skilfully to increase his numbers in the polls.
Both domestic and expansionist nationalisms can be observed in current Russia. By taking Crymea and beaing ready to accept more republics to the Russian federation, and by the various fobias (LGBTI, migrants, etc.) present there Russia is strongly trying to protect its values.
But a conflict between the two might arise. If the Eurasian Union comes into existence, the specific problems will follow.
The first one is predominantly a Russian problem. As a nationalistic nation, it will have to fight the wave of migrants from the other union states leaving their countries for Russia, to live in better conditions than those in their home countries are much worse than those in Russia. This will only strengthen the xenofobia and spur the conflict into bigger dimensions. Another problem with the migrants is, that with them they will also bring no...
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Popescu N. (2012). The Strange Alliance of Democrats and Nationalists. Journal of Democracy ,23(3), 46-54.
Nice, Alex. Playing both sides. Belarus between Russia and the EU / in: Stefan Meister (ed.) Economization vs. power ambitions. Rethinking Russia's Policy towards Post-Soviet States. DGAP-Schriften zur Internationalen Politik, 2013.
Haukkala, H. The EU and Russia and their “common neighborhood”: Can the two finally move from competition to cooperation?/ in: Stefan Meister (ed.) Economization vs. power ambitions. Rethinking Russia's Policy towards Post-Soviet States. DGAP-Schriften zur Internationalen Politik, 2013
Moshes A. Russia and the New „Transitional Europe” in Lipman, M. (2011) Russia in 2020 scenarios for the future. Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: pp.89-107.
International politics as one may imagine includes foreign affairs. This is why the topic and focus of this paper revolves around the current event within Eastern Europe. It will focus on both Russia, Ukraine, and the world, and from it, it will be analyzed by using the resources provided within class. After all it is a International Politics course, and one of the best ways to effectively put the skills and knowledge to use is to focus on an event or current event. The paper will attempt to go over in a chronological order of the events that has happened, and what is happening currently over in Ukraine. Afterwards, an analyzed input will be implemented providing reasoning behind Russia's actions, and actions of the world, and potentially some solutions.
No war is fought without the struggle for resources, and with Russia still rapidly lagging behind in the international industrialisation race by the turn of the 20th century, the stage was set for social unrest and uprising against its already uncoordinated and temporally displaced government. With inconceivable demands for soldiers, cavalry and warfare paraphernalia, Russia stood little chance in the face of the great powers of World War One. Shortages of basic human necessities led to countless subsistence riots and the eventual power struggle between the ruling body and its people. From the beginnings of WWI to 1916, prices of essential goods rose 131 percent in Moscow and more than 150 percent in Petrograd. Additionally, historian Walter G. Moss stated that in September 1915 that “there were 100,000 strikers in Russia; in October 1916, there were 250,000 in Petrograd alone.” Moss continues to exemplify the increasing evidence of social unrest and connects the riots to a lack of resources when he goes on to point out that “subsistence riots protesting high prices and shortages… also increased.” ...
With the fall of the pro-Russian government Russia had lost basically a very important ally to the European Union and NATO. President Vladimir Putin took a great risk and invaded Crimea that resulted in strong reactions from the West. Even Russia’s closest allies supported the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
1) The pre-revolutionary history of Russia. For the Russians it was traditional view itself as a nation with a special mission. It started since the late Middle Ages. After the destruction of Byzantium, Russia was the only independent country with a dominant Orthodox faith. The religious factor has led to the fact that in spreading the true fait...
Suny, Ronald Grigor. The Soviet Experiment: Russia, the USSR, and the Successor States. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.
ABSTRACT: The United States and the European Union share common values, economic interests, and security challenges. The expansion of the European Union into the countries which were under the Soviet sphere of influence continues to complicate the internal border security of the European Union. Given the liberalization of trade within the EU and in turn into the US, the port and border security of each trading partner is connected in this global economy. This paper examines some of the border security issues facing the EU and how these challenges affect the United States. Particular interest is paid to the porous borders of the former Warsaw Pact countries given their habitual, Cold War trading partners. The EU must strengthen its executive authority in order to enforce external border security in order to maximize its internal free trade zone. The national leaders within the EU will continue to resist the increasing strength of the EU Commission and the decreasing sovereignty of the member states. This paper was originally submitted on 5 August 2004 as the final project for Bush 689-200 Structure and Policy of the European Union, taught by Dr. Klaus L. Aurisch.
Historically, Russia’s relationship with the West has been shaky at best. From the Crimean War in the 1850’s to alienation following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution all the way up to the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has been “under attack.” This has forced them to adopt a mentality that is based in self sufficiency and autarky. As Western nations attempt to strengthen democracy in Russia in the 21st century, Russia has responded negatively to these perceived “intrusions.” Therefore it is important to ask what role the West should play in Russia’s development and what is hindering this from happening? In her book Russia: Lost in Transition, Lilia Shevtsova outlines two different ways the West can approach development with Russia: let them figure it out themselves or patiently create an international environment that the Russians feel comfortable in. Shevtsova clearly favors the latter. The West’s involvement is hindered however by double standards, ideological differences, and negative perceptions of the West’s motives by the Russian people. These must first be analyzed before showing how a cautious, assertive approach is the best way for the West to assist in Russian development.
Memorandum of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1989) Excerpt from ‘The Political Processes in the European Socialist Countries and the Proposals for Our Practical Steps Considering the Situation Which Has Arisin in Them’. (Cold War International Project)
In a speech broadcast to London via radio on October 1st, 1939, Winston Churchill famously said: “I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma (Murdico, 1).” While it is true that Churchill was referring to his inability to predict the country’s actions in regards to the impending world war, the words can be used to illustrate a general confusion and lack of understanding, by both western and eastern powers alike, concerning the massive nation. Russia, as it stands today, currently encompasses about 6.6 million square miles of land (Murdico, 1), and is the largest country in the world by land mass. Along with a large area, Russia also has quite the large reputation; having been through two world wars, governments both communist and imperial, and a slew of civil wars and internal struggles. Russian politics and history is still today a hot topic of conversation, yet very little of this conversation mentions anything pre-WWI. It may be difficult to say exactly why this is so, as a great number of factors, including first an foremost our own cultural biases and perspectives come in to play, but it is true that Russia may confuse us because it is nearly impossible to categorize as being entirely “western” or “eastern” in nature. It is not really European nor is it truly Asian. Instead it has been shaped by a blend of different cultures and political ideologies that certainly include both European and Asian influence. Playing a huge role in this is the geography of the area; its location lends itself to contact with and, more importantly, being attacked by surrounding societies while still being pushed up against the corner of a continent in an almost isola...
The induced isolation that Russia has brought upon itself has closed off any foreign ideologies and foreign influence. This is worrying, in terms of another cold war, because this will cause many citizens to believe in Putin’s propaganda and follow his customsm blindly. Another valid point that Cohen makes
Lafeber, W. (2002), America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945-2000. 9th edn. New-York: McGraw-Hill Higher Education.
Franklin, Simon and Emma Widdis, eds. National Identity in Russian Culture: An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004.
The Cold War did not directly involve Europe, but Europe and its various states were key players and key sources of tension between the two great powers, the USSR and the United States of America. The dates of the beginning and end of the Cold War are debated but 1947-1991 is generally agreed upon. In this paper, I will attempt to outline the events of the Cold War which were relevant to Europe and how this affected European integration and relations. ‘Integration’ here refers to the process of transferring powers of decision-making and implantation from national to supranational level. Europe was weakened after World War Two, especially in contrast with the USSR and the USA. Traditional European hegemony was at an end and Europe had to find a new dynamic without becoming involved in conflict with the two new superpowers.
The most important value of nationalism to democracy lies in the fact that it has the capacity to unite individual citizens into a single entity with shared beliefs. Democracy requires a definition of demos or who are included in the game and who are not (Nodia 6). Wherever the boundaries of the playing field are in dispute, democratic institutions (such as participation, representation, or cooperation) simply cannot function. Thus, for democracy to o...
NATO's presence in the Europe has been touted as a measure to counter Soviet Union and later Russia. Russia is surrounded by multiple military bases in eastern European sector. Ukraine was the primary forward base for Soviet union during the cold war. So a hostile governent in one of it's forwards bases poses a subtle strategic threat for Russia. In order to counterweight the regime backed by west Russia may support the favourable group.