Americans, born in a nation with guaranteed human rights and the privilege to be free, may have difficulty understanding that there are certain countries in which citizens mistrust their governments. But the unfortunate truth is that countless nations suffer from corrupt leaders and systems, forcing the people to fend for themselves in all situations. Among the cruelest of these countries is Nigeria. Nigeria has been fraught with hardship ever since its independence, but the situation was especially destructive during one particular regime beginning in 1993. Under the rule of dictator Sani Abacha, Nigeria experienced its most horrific period of human rights abuses and corruption, leading to domestic unrest and international uproar.
Among the greatest offenses of this regime were the overall abuses against the human rights of the people. Basic human needs like food and shelter were scarce under Abacha. In fact, the nation’s people were more unable to get their basic needs fulfilled in 1998, the year that Abacha left office, than before the Abacha regime began. Nigeria’s citizens were without the ability to provide for themselves and maintain a healthy life. Poverty was at an all time high, with more than half of Nigerians liveing on less than $1.25 per day. As a result of these conditions, Nigeria’s infant mortality rate was one of the highest worldwide. But crimes towards the citizens’ lives were almost as cruel as the crimes of their deaths. Extrajudicial and judicial killings were an unfortunate yet often occurrence in Nigeria. Extrajudicial killings were committed by the ever-corrupt police force, murdering those at driving checkpoints who refused to pay or bribe their way into the clear. Perhaps even crueler, howev...
... middle of paper ...
...1, no. 2 (2010): 35-54.
Brownsberger, William N. “Development and Governmental Corruption – Materialism and Political Fragmentation in Nigeria.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 21, no. 2 (1983): 215-233.
Everyone’s in on the Game: Corruption and Human Rights Abuses by the Nigeria Police Force. New York: Human Rights Watch, [2010].
Ikelegbe, Augustine. “The perverse manifestation of civil society: evidence from Nigeria.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 1 (2001): 1-24.
Levin, Michael D. “The new Nigeria.” Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1/2 (1997): 134-144
McLuckie, Craig W. and Aubrey McPhail. Ken Saro-Wiwa: Writer and Political Activist. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999.
Nwachuku, Levi A. and G. N. Uzoigwe. Troubled Journey: Nigeria Since the Civil War. Lanham: University Press of America, 2004.
In order to analyze Boahen’s work as well as produce a coherent interpretation of his evidence, definitions for and connections between the terms in question are critical. Therefore, peaceful responses are defined as devoid of bloodshed and aggressive confrontation whereas violent reactions are defined as uprisings of a coalition or faction that involve open hostility. In the context of African resistance to colonialism, success is defined as the achievement of the party in question's objective as well as sustaining the attained goal in order for it to have a lasting positive impact on the country. These objectives typically fall into the two categories of state sovereignty and amity. While they are generally found to be the products of peaceful reactions, fatalities and destruction are by large the most notable outcomes of violent opposition. Moreover, this pattern observed from the results of the two types of responses is best understood when presented in terms of time periods: invasion and occupation.
Contours of Environmentalism in Nigeria’s Niger Delta Region." Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 20 (2011): 45-66. JSTOR. Web. 13 Mar. 2014. .
The prior history of Nigeria before the 1900’s is critical in exploring the effects of colonialism. During the pre-colonial era, Nigeria was mainly divided into three tribes: Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa Fulani. A female’s role differed according to kinship structure of the tribe and the status of the woman in the economy. Neither new nor peculiar, women have long been regarded as the “subordinate” class in Nigerian culture. Nigerian women were able to achieve high statuses by lineage or marrying into ruling class families. Under customary laws, a woman’s purpose was to be fertile and able to bear children. Tribes expected their women to marry into Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa Fulani patri-lineage and bear sons to guarantee the future of the tribe. A wife’s position improved as she gave birth to more children and gain approval from elder members. Women who could not were scorned just as Mama wa...
This book looks at how conflict in Nigeria has impacted women and children. It looks at the social, political, and cultural impacts of such violence at entire generations of Nigerian people. It looks at the the potential future impact on the countries development,...
During the colonial period in Nigeria (from about 1850 to 1960), the British, like any other colonial power, asserted their dominance through a variety of media. The colonial experience of Nigeria and Britain, and Nigeria's early post-colonial history can be described, roughly chronologically, in three phases or periods: the formation of a ‘captured' colony, the education and inculcation of ‘proper,' British ways (i.e., the ‘taming' of the colony), and the immediate aftermath of colonialism (i.e., the ‘independence' of the colony). This essay attempts to scrutinize these periods in the light of the theories of Karl Marx, Ernest Gellner, and Jack Snyder. My claim is that Nigeria's colonial relationship with Britain, in general, reflects Marx's theory of the dichotomy between the oppressor and the oppressed, Gellner's theory that domination and oppression is disseminated through educational means, and Snyder's theory on the risks and dangers that young, ‘immature' … countries face when they gamble on democracy
Nathalie Martinez Ms. Rharmili English I, P.1 9/9/15 The Nigerian-Biafran Civil War: Bloodshed within the Land The African Igbo people inhabit the southeastern region of Nigeria. The origin of the Igbo people is yet to be uncovered. There are many theories and speculations involving the derivation of the Igbo civilization, most concerning Gods and other idealistic concepts. The most certain and broad explanation of the culture’s ancestry is that the Ibo derived from Britain roots but from the Nigerian country, when it was divided into different racial groups after its declaration from Britain (Hurst 1).
Oghre, Ben. “Nigeria’s Population Is A Silent Killer .” Nigerians of America. N.p., 30 Sept. 2007. Web. 5 Feb. 2012. .
Throughout Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the Savannah, there are several thematic elements used to express the corruption of the government in post-colonial Nigeria. Nigeria has been culturally changed due to colonial British rule. Colonial Britain has changed the way Nigerians govern, which has resulted in many coups throughout the timeline of Nigeria. The way and life now for Nigerians is very different than it would be without interference from outsiders. Anthills of the Savannah demonstrates the hardships that the people of Nigeria faced due to colonial British rule and corruption of their own government by using symbolism, foreshadowing, and, motifs throughout the novel.
African culture is often chronically misunderstood. Beginning in the 1600s, European colonists attempted to infiltrate their ancient way of life and replace it with their own, systematically sending their District Commissioners to each populated area they had gained control of, effectively washing the region of its identity. In the book Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe, he attempts to break down a wall of ignorance and misinformation that we have inadvertently gained as western students. By creating a full, rich set of flawed human characters and using them as a tool to present his themes, Achebe gives us a more humanistic account of colonization of the Upper Nigerian region in the
In conclusion Nigeria has never been able to sustain a legitimate democracy. The legacies of British colonialism have created unstable political institutions that have been extremely susceptible to military coups. While ethnic tensions have lead to political party association and corruption, rent-seekers and continual economic decline have decreased support for the government. Although recently Nigeria has seen a shift away from military control as people have recognized its unsuccessfulness, questions still remain about the new democracy. Consider the last time this type of democracy was established, it only lasted four years. Given all these factors and the military history of OlusgunObasanjo, it is no wonder the new democracy is considered fragile.
The question to be answered in this paper is to what extent has the resource curse affected the Nigerian economy and government? Resource curse is a term that states the observation that countries that have a plethora of natural resources (e.g. oil, coal, diamonds etc.) usually have unstable political and economic structures (Sachs, 827). Nigeria is categorized as a nation that has succumb to the resource curse as it has an abundance of, and an overdependence on, oil, and a decreasing gross domestic product (GDP) (Samuels, 321-322). Nigeria is known for its specialization and overdependence on oil and according to Ross, nations of such nature tend to have high levels of poverty, large class gaps, weak educational systems, more corruption within the government, and are less likely to become democracies (Ross, 356). The political instability and regime change in Nigeria will be observed in this paper. The resource curse has greatly weakened Nigeria as it has led to the numerous regime changes, the hindering of the nation’s democratization, corruption in the government, as well as, civil conflict.
Nigeria is a developing country in West Africa that was colonized by the British in 1884 at the Berlin conference where Africa was divided by European powers (Graham 2009). The British wanted to expand their empire, which meant taking over other countries that had resources that they wanted, and would allow them to expand their trade market and economy. One of the colonies that British colonized was Colonial Nigeria, which was forced to participate in the slave trade in the past and was controlled by the British through the set up of trading posts and selling manufactured goods. The British split Nigeria into the north and the south regions (Temple 1912). The Southern and Northern Nigeria Protectorates controlled these two regions.
...’s depictions of both traditional and modern beliefs in varying degrees illustrate the importance of both in contemporary Nigerian culture, as well as the greater Africa as a whole, and how both are intertwined and cannot exist without the other. In effect, she skillfully subverts stereotypes or single perceptions of Africa as backward and traditional, proving instead, the multifaceted culture of Africa. She further illustrates that neither traditional African nor western culture is necessarily detrimental. It is the stark contrast of the fundamental cultures that inevitably leads to clashes and disagreements. In the end, what holds African countries such as Nigeria together is their shared pride. Modern, western influences can bring positive changes to society, but new cultures cannot completely eradicate the foundational cultures to which a society is founded on.
While the outside world considered Nigeria to be a united and monolithic entity, even the British colonial administration was wary of the reality of Nigerian politics; the nation was not so much a “country” as it was more than three hundred different groups coalesced into one.4 5 These tribes were divided between three main spheres of influence: the Yoruba, the Igbo, and the Hausa. Historically, their interests were often opposed, and their cultures did not come into regular contact with one another until the British occupation. In spite of the differences British administration a...
Okeke, Phil E. "Reconfiguring Tradition: Women's Rights and Social Status in Contemporary Nigeria." Africa Today 47.1 (2000): 49-63.