The Quebecois Party´s Rule on Religious Attire in the Workplace
analytical Essay
1083 words
The Quebecois party plans to enforce restrictions on government workers from wearing attire that expresses religious identity while at work. These cultural symbols are deemed as being “overt and conspicuous,” laying out the new rules that affects a range of individuals. “Everyone from judges to teachers,” now must “doff their hijabs, kippas, niqabs, turbans, and outsize crucifixes.” Child care centers are also restricted from serving “kosher or halal foods.” The only way government employees can wear anything that covers their face is by reason of weather conditions only. The minister of the party, Bernard Drainville claims that in the Charter of Quebec Values, it mentions that the bill is necessary in order to “recognize and affirm some of the fundamental values that define us as Quebecers.” However, this issue has caused a severe division between perceptions of those in favor and those who oppose it, due to the span of opinions on the moral and ethical effects that will result from it. Similar to dividedness of the issue, Quebec is also quite separate ethnically having the diversity concentrated in Montreal and more uniform (white) demographic in the outskirts of the province. White Francophone individuals comprise the majority of those in favor and essentially supports Le Parti Quebecois’s objective of gaining independence from Canada. The ban has targeted many “religious minorities—in particular, veiled Muslim women, mostly in and around Montreal.”
The most apparent human right issue is the freedom of expression, whether it is of cultural and/or religious affiliation, through the physical display of their identity. The ban is illegalizing government employees from wearing this physical specimen of religious identity, being tha...
... middle of paper ...
...k of understanding. Since they were brought up with the mentalities of their parents, their minds have been molded and conditioned to perceive their “normal” practices as the norm. Being the other practices are rather different, they cause discrepancies in the Francophone perception and thus lead to criticism and opposing opinions. This is a challenging issue, being that the points of view are so split; there are only really two extremes that are present in the Quebecoise society. I personally think the ban forces more tradeoffs and oppression of a specific cultural identity, while being significantly less effective on the white Quebecois population. The acceptance of double standards has been made possible by the preconceived notions of the people, along with the political objective to make Quebec culturally unison through the forcing oppression on its minorities.
In this essay, the author
- Explains that the quebecois party plans to enforce restrictions on government workers from wearing attire that expresses religious identity while at work.
- Argues that the ban is illegalizing government employees from wearing religious veils, since it differs from the societal and cultural norm of quebec.
- Analyzes how le parti's objective to separate quebec from canada showcases the lack of acceptance for diversity in the nation.
- Explains that the quebecois party plans to enforce restrictions on government workers from wearing attire that expresses religious identity while at work.
- Argues that the ban is illegalizing government employees from wearing religious veils, since it differs from the societal and cultural norm of quebec.
- Analyzes how le parti's objective to separate quebec from canada showcases the lack of acceptance for diversity in the nation.
- Explains the concept of separating church from state is common in europe, especially french society. the mentality of uniformity and the expansion of the same french values fuels the attention quebec government’s gives to montreal.
- Analyzes how the article's focus is on the socioeconomic effect of the bill. it would contribute to more struggles of these minorities, already facing the lowest employment rate in the province.
- Opines that the ban forces more tradeoffs and oppression of a specific cultural identity while being significantly less effective on the white quebecois population.
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- Explains that the textual origin of the hijab is associated with verses from the qur’an, but it is not entirely clear the extent of a woman should be covered.
- Explains that women should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what must ordinarily appear thereof.
- Analyzes how the text identifies some form of covering required to protect "modesty" but the embodiment of this can differ especially based on location. engineer attributed the stricter laws for women regarding modesty to the fact that many of the interpreters
- Explains that the hijab became a practice during the time of the caliphate with influences from other traditions.
- Analyzes how leila ahmed's exploration of the veil asked american muslim college women about the meaning of wearing the hijab to them.
- Analyzes how the student's meaning identified honoring her family roots as one of the primary reasons for wearing the hijab.
- Analyzes how asghar ali engineer discusses the veiling embodied by many islamic women in south asia in his book the rights of women in islam.
- Explains that the practice of the hijab and the debate over its meaning raises other issues in the worldwide muslim community.
- Cites davary, b., engineer, a. (2004), the rights of women in islam. elgin, il: new dawn press group.
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- Explains that gaetan tremblay, professor of communications at the university of quebec at montreal, is an advocate of public policy that defends against cultural imperialism by countries such as the united states.
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- Describes zunera ishaq's story of being banned from wearing the niqab, a muslim face covering during the citizenship oath.
- Explains that islam is the world's fastest growing religion, with 1.6 billion followers, and is projected to overthrow the largest religions in the coming decade.
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- Explains that the rcbb was sparked by a period of great change in canada during the 1960s, especially in terms of the immigrant policies.
- Argues that multiculturalism was born out of a desire to accommodate, and not simply because of life outside of the language binary of english and french.
- Analyzes how the rcbb acted as a turning point for the direction of canadian society from 1960 forward. the treatment of aboriginals shows the lengths at which both the french and english had gone in the past to dislocate themselves from the "other".
- Explains that the rcbb was sparked by a period of great change in canada during the 1960s, especially in terms of the immigrant policies.
- Argues that multiculturalism was born out of a desire to accommodate, and not simply because of life outside of the language binary of english and french.
- Analyzes how the rcbb acted as a turning point for the direction of canadian society from 1960 forward. the treatment of aboriginals shows the lengths at which both the french and english had gone in the past to dislocate themselves from the "other".
- Explains that on the eve of the royal commission, it was evident that canadian national identity needed to be reconstructed. pearson had one major concern, which was the challenge french canadians posed to national unity.
- Describes the steps to be taken to develop the canadian confederation on the basis of equal partnerships between the two founding races, taking into account the contribution to the enrichment of canada.
- Argues that english and french were contrived to take on the title of "two founding races" instead of language within the commission's objective as its commissioners wanted to find an "equal partnership" for the two.
- Analyzes how the commission undertook a far greater scope that is illustrated in eve haque's "the bilingual limits of canadian multiculturalism: the politics of language and race."
- Argues that trudeau's presentation of the official languages act echoes his desire to see multiculture be comprised of a bilingual entity.
- Analyzes how the paper deconstructed eve haque's "the bilingual limits of canadian multiculturalism" and foucault’s assessment of genealogy, the counties history, and construction of the royal commission of bilingualism and biculturallism.
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