The Pros and Cons of America's Superpower Status
While reading Rourke, I found that the most interesting, debatable, and insightful issue from Rourke was Issue #3. "SHOULD AMERICA ABANDON ITS SUPERPOWER STATUS?" This is presented by Doug Bandow and Anthony Lake, in which Bandow takes the affirmative side of the issue and Lake the opposing stance. To fully explain this issue, I will not only look at the authors, but their stances on the issues, how their stances fit into the World System, Hegemons, and basic Perceptions. I will then go into the future looking at such items, as well as some thoughts of my own. Basically, I will show that a simple 'yes' or 'no' question is much more complicated and in-depth than one might think. So, with no further ado, let's get Rourking!
I will first look at the 'Yes' [America should step down as a superpower] answer to our question, as presented by Doug Bandow. He presents a situation where America is the "Big Protector" and the source for assistance (in many situations) throughout the world. But, in a time when there is no war, no Cold War, and no need for a U.S. policeman, why should we continue on this path? Bandow wants us to bring our troops home who are on foreign soil, change our 'worldly' ways and concentrate on America. Sure, there may be people in the world who need our help, but there are people right here in America who need that same help. He wants us to step down as a superpower. This does not mean to become Isolationist, but certainly more self-centered. His situation is one where you are not a superpower, but just a (non-influential) power: a partner in the world and not its savior.
With that said, we will move on to Anthony Lake. Lake is quite different from Bandow because Lake is a current Clinton administrator who gave a speech to the press and Bandow is a former Reagan administrator who wrote for a foreign research institute. [Bandow writes with educated intent; Lake writes/speaks to confirm current foreign policy.] Lake's speech does not dive deep into its own theory: Not to step down as a superpower. Lake presents a situation of America being one of two things. The first of which is an Isolationist country, which keeps to itself. This, of course, is not good because it leaves no room for trade, world relations, a prosperous America, or an up-beat Global Political Economy.
Power is what controls the world, and without it, you become weak. When we help other countries, that shows how powerful we are, and how strong we are to stand on our own and help! The U.S. is considered to be the superpower of the world. Therefore, it should use its power to help other countries in need. Yes, we have a lot of problems with our government, but at least it’s our government.
Without understanding the importance of foreign relations the American people’s way of life could be at stake. Not only could the economic strength of the U.S. diminish, but the military might of the U.S. could also be compromised. Mead argues that without the centrality of foreign policy being evident in American politics the happiness of the world is at risk. “Since the United States has become the central power in a worldwide system of finance, communications, and trade, it is not only the American people whose happiness and security will be greatly affected by the quality of American foreign policy in coming years (Mead 176). I contend that without a strong emphasis on foreign policy, we could begin to see the end of American
98-176. 5 Robert H. Ferrell, America as a World Power, 1872-1945, (New York: Harper & Row Publishers Inc., 1971), p. 265. 6 Arthur Meier Schlesinger, p. 46. 7 Hamilton Fish, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, (New York: Vantage Press 1976), pp.
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...ith a focus on defending U.S. vital interests instead of creating world order, positioning the American soldier in the U.S. rather than abroad, and using military action only as a last resort and as a defensive measure. By following these principles, Bacevich writes that the size of the Pentagon budget, the nuclear arsenal, and army will all be reduced. I tend to agree with him. Fundamental change needs to occur in our global outlook. Our policy makers have become stuck in the rut of precedent and in building a franchise that upholds our global status as a superpower. Rather than extending our resources overseas, the needs of our nation should be addressed, such as lapses in public education and poverty and unemployment in cities. Instead of looking abroad for problems to solve, the U.S. needs to look inward and create a nation built on prosperity and peace.
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One of Napoleon’s first areas of concern was in the strengthening of the French government. He created a strong centralized government and pretty much got rid of the hundreds of localized law codes that had existed during under the control of the monarchy. He also created an army of government officials. He had the entire country linked under a rational administration. He also was able to get an easy supply of taxes and soldiers under his new and improved French government. Before he could get very far, however, he had to gain public favor and shape the public opinion. To do this he used reforms of propaganda and thus caused people to think that they were getting the better end of the deal, but were actually, subconsciously giving Napoleon their approval for his actions. Among some of the methods he used for propaganda included getting all of the printers and book sellers to swear an oath to Napoleon and all newspapers fell under state control, so Napoleon gained access to almost everything that the citizens of France were able to read. Many of the gains from the French Revolution were kept, such as equality before the law, and careers open to talent. Some anti-revolution actions that Napoleon took included repressing liberty, restoring absolutism, and ending political liberty. He believed that allowing political freedom would end with a state of anarchy. He believed that he could solve these problems by acting in favor of the people’s interests as an enlightened desp...
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
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Hollister, C. Warren. The Making of England. 7th ed. A History of England. Ed. Lacey Baldwin Smith. Vol. 1. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1996.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the world’s only unquestioned superpower. How the United States evaluates its position as global hegemon has important consequences for American foreign policy, particularly with regards to the potential for future policy constraints. Thus, this paper seeks to consider the question: How durable is American hegemony? The paper first defines the state of American hegemony and then considers the primary challengers: Europe, Russia, China, Japan and imperial overstretch. It will conclude that in the long-term, East Asian geopolitical instability poses the greatest threat to American hegemony, but that in the short-term, the hegemony will prove to be quite durable as long as the United States can counteract the phenomenon of imperial overstretch. In order to diffuse both internal and international threats to hegemony, American leaders should work to pursue national interests within a framework of consensus and legitimacy as much as possible.
When in 1990, President George HW Bush used the phrase “new world order”, his words had an ominous ring both because they implied that this would be an American-d...
Carswell, John. The Descent on England; a Study of the English Revolution of 1688 and Its European Background. New York: John Day, 1969. Print.
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