The main conflict in the area today... ... middle of paper ... ...ontinuing problems between the two manifestations of nationalism of Arabs and Jews. The Palestine War of 1948 was not the only major conflict between the two nations in the Middle East. Since then, there has been the Six Day War of 1967, the October War of 1973, the Palestinian Uprising of 1967, and perhaps more recently going on at this very moment the newest surge of Palestinian uprising in Israel that began in September of 2000. There are still tough issues to resolve between the two sides, issues such as Jerusalem, which is holy to both Jews and Muslims. Since both nations want full sovereignty over the Holy City and nothing less, this has become an important issue in their nationalistic views.
The war , although ending in a military stalemate, validated Israel and its peoples presence in the Middle East . It was not fully recognized by every Arab nation in the Middle East , but the Arab-Israeli Wars played a huge historical role in legitimizing the emerging nation state of Israel and the national phenomenon of Zionism. War instilled an attitude of defeat among the Arabs
Status Quo That means that Israel would continu... ... middle of paper ... ...land for over a thousand years was taken, without their consent and mostly by force, during creation of the state of Israel. And all subsequent crimes - on both sides - inevitably follow from this original injustice. The breadth and complexity of issues tugging at the Israelis and Palestinians provide both barriers to and, perhaps, opportunities for achieving peace. The history, land and culture embroiled the people of the region in its grasp. Unfortunately, the Israeli-Palestinian situation is so long-lasting that making any optimistic prognosis would be not only fatuously but also inhuman towards those who are unwittingly involved in the conflict.
In my opinion the mere foundation of the state of Izrael puts the islamic holy book, Qur'an, in doubt. Despite the fact the God is supposed to be angry with them, the Jews have their own state. At this point a conflict appears – a conflict between reality and sort of an ilusion stated by Qur'an. The Israeli state touches Islam in the most sensitive point it has. The truthfulness of Qur'an.
Bob Hawke once said; “Unless and until something concrete is done about addressing the Israeli-Palestinian issue you won't get a real start on the war against terrorism.” Perhaps Hawke put into a few simple words one of the most complicated issues within our world today, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As Israel continues to strip the Palestinians of their land and fears it’s very existence because of the Palestinians terrorist acts, there seems to be no solution in sight. The world appears to be split and all over the place when it comes to this matter. According to The Middle East Institute for Understanding approximately 129 countries recognize Palestine as a state while many others do not. Over all the political matters within this issue not only affect Palestine and Israel but the world as a whole, as the Middle East and the West seem to disagree.
The Israelis have always opposed the prominent regional powers. This paper aims to test empirically Egypt and Israel relations to identify the factors leading to the initiation war, and answer the crucial question; does large asymmetry in the distribution of power increase the probability of war? Or does the narrow gap power lead to war and its severity? Which theory can give a power of explanation Egypt and Israel relations? This study aims to find an explanation for the phenomenon of conflict between rivals through relationship between the power shift of pair of states and the possibility of war.
These are the issues which need to be looked at in order to end the conflict as it has had adverse effects even on other nations around the world. The dispute as to which nation should claim ownership of the city of Jerusalem has been one of the major issues causing the conflict. The Israelis view Jerusalem as part of their historic homeland. It is somewhat a religious city to them owing to the Abraham religions- Judaism, Christianity and Islam (Sela 2002). However Palestinians already claim parts of the city which were not under Israeli jurisdiction.
In Identity and Religion of Palestine and The Accidental Empire, Lybarger and Gorenberg analyze the historical and political circumstances that gave rise to religious nationalism in the communities of Palestine and Israel. While Lybarger explores the rise of Islamist tendencies in Palestinian politics, Gorenberg explores the rise of the Israeli settler movement. In both cases, political stalemate and instability among secular powers fostered the development of religious nationalism. In the Palestinian case, religious nationalism emerged out of the destabilizing events in the Palestinian political landscape that weakened the PLO. Whereas in the Israeli case, religious nationalism grew out of political inaction on the part of the Labor party to address the settler movement.
Salman Rushdie ("Yes, This is About Islam," New York Times 11/2/01) and Jonathan Ebel ("Territory is Not Mind," Sightings 11/15/01) both make some useful points in the process of taking up the question, but somehow leave standing the president's fundamental misconception that a religion has an essence. Surely it is not fair to say that September 11 is "about" Islam. Violent hatred and intolerance can be adduced in too many corners of the religious world to imagine that it comes, simply, from the doctrines of one holy book or another. At the same time, it is difficult for me to blame Salman Rushdie, especially, for perceiving something within Islam today that is prone to violence. His non-violent, literary attack on Islam was, after all, taken by some Muslims to justify very real threats to his life.
In fact, he states that the United States’ “efforts in the Middle East have, if anything, made achieving peace between Palestinians and Israelis even more difficult” (Khalidi 2013, xiv). Indeed, in excess of thirty-five years of attempts to produce peace, has ironically made it harder to attain. In the midst of the many reasons for this, are the numerous red lines imposed upon Palestine by their source of humiliation, and oppression, Israel. With right-wing governments dominating Israel’s history, their commitment to denying Palestinian self-determination, and their continued expansion of Jewish settlement of Palestinian land, it is no wonder why resentment is so prevalent in the territorial region between the Mediterranean and the Jordan. Khalidi demonstrates the impediment of the American policy to the peace process, through a few ways, one of which was by focusing on the inflammatory language surrounding the conflict; in other words, he looked at the constantly tainted narrative articulated by US officials which favoured the Israeli side over the other.