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Bloody sunday historical interpretations
Bloody sunday historical interpretations
Bloody Sunday in easy words
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The Bloody Sunday
[IMAGE]
[IMAGE]
“Sheer unadulterated murder"
-MAJOR HUBERT O’ NEILL
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Contents Page
Page
3 Introduction and NICRA
4 Internment
5 Parachute regiment and Bogside
6-7 Bloody Sunday
8 Consequences of Bloody Sunday
9-10 Why did it take so long for another inquiry to be set up?
11 Bibliography
Q1. What happened on Bloody Sunday?
In order to fully understand what took place on Bloody Sunday I feel
that we need to examine the events leading up to this contentious
event.
Bloody Sunday is named after the events that occurred on Sunday 30
January 1972 when British soldiers shot dead 13 men and injured 14
others. A further victim died later. The killings took place in the
predominantly nationalist city of Derry.
The victims had been taking part in an illegal march against
internment without trial. It had been organised by the Northern
Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and was both a protest
against internment and a protest against the ban on the right to
march.
NICRA (Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association)
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The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association was formed in January
1967 as a response to four decades of Unionist discrimination against
Catholics. They were undoubtedly influenced by Martin Luther King’s “I
have a dream” speech. The organisation protested against the Unionist
government’s treatment of Catholics. Their demands were simple:
· One Man, One Vote
· End gerrymandering[1]
· End discrimi...
... middle of paper ...
...by Richard Norton-Taylor
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[1] Gerrymandering – arranging the boundaries of electoral districts
in such a way as to distort the vote
[2] This Act was the source of all emergency legislation in Northern
Ireland until replaced by the 1973 Act. Passed by Home Rule
government.
[3] B-Specials – part time armed Special Police Constables that were
in Northern Ireland between 1922 and 1970
[4] Sharpeville - The savage massacre of African patriots at
Sharpeville and other places in South Africa on March 21, 1960
[5] Bernadette Devlin is a Northern Ireland republican political
activist. She served as a Member of Parliament at Westminster from
1969 to 1974 for the Mid Ulster constituency, and is a leading critic
of the Good Friday Agreement.
At 2.40pm on Friday 21st July 1972, the first bomb planted by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) exploded outside Ulster Bank in Limestone Road, Belfast (BBC, undated). Over the next ninety minutes, 18 more bombs exploded around the city, whilst a further 2 were defused and 2 failed to detonate. In total, 9 people were killed, including 7 civilians, and 130 were injured in the attack that later became known as ‘Bloody Friday’ (BBC, undated). The PIRA were a republican paramilitary group that sought to end British rule in Northern Ireland during a period known as The Troubles after the British Army was drafted in to help with rioting between nationalists and unionists in 1969. As nationalists, the PIRA believed that the ‘Six Counties’
Civil rights refers to fighting for equal rights for all people and is an important part of history. From time to time, people have been fighting for civil rights for blacks in whites in the mid 1900’s. In fact, Bloody Sunday was probably one of the most important events to have an impact on history for civil rights. Everyday, people struggle to be treated equally and civil rights make it possible for everyone black or white to be treated equally. As a result of Bloody Sunday, this event helped blacks speak up and be heard.
The Bloody Sunday in Derry in 1972 Introduction ------------ The Bloody Sunday was undoubtedly a very traumatic event for the Irish people. Fourteen Irish men did not deserve to die and this was the most horrific attack that took place during the troubles. Feelings of bitterness between nationalists and unionists still last today because of it. The Irish people demanded an explanation on why Bloody Sunday happened and were given the Widgery Inquiry not long after the event.
By the early 1960, another Civil Right movement began, Sit-Ins. Four college students, Ezell Blair, Franklin McCain, Joseph McNeil and David Richmond walked in to establishments to be served but by the end of the night they were never served. They would later come back with larger group and sit once again. They did so with rules to prevent any trouble from the authorities, just by not talking to anyone, never blocking the entrances and by simply being nice. The movement picked up momentum being done by many throughout the north and south.
... deadly. I do not think that the peaceful methods such as the use of newspapers, poetry, and film are as bad because they are nonviolent and do not physically harm anyone. However, I do not agree with the use of violence, such as, that on Bloody Sunday, nor do I agree with the use of the Lord’s house to teach hate and discrimination. It is not right to use the church for this purpose. One should not teach hate under the guise of God. It is also wrong to pass laws in order to persecute a minority. I can understand the reasons they did this, to gain and keep control, however that doesn’t make it right. The Protestants and Unionists were not the only ones who used these methods of propaganda; the Catholics and Nationalists did as well. Some of these methods have been used since the beginning of the conflict and will most likely continue for generations to come.
Violence, terror, suffering and death. The conflict that has been burning in Northern Ireland seems to be an unstoppable battle and it has flooded over the land of Northern Ireland. The struggle for power and the persistence of greed have fueled the raging fires of the opposing groups. The conflict in Northern Ireland has been discussed continually over the past few decades. Ever since the beginning of the “Troubles,” organizations have been scavenging to find a plan that will cease the violence. Throughout my research for this project, the questions of what are the main sources of conflict in Northern Ireland and why have they continued today guided me to many fascinating pieces of evidence that provided me with a more compassionate view of the situation of Northern Ireland. My research topic was very broad and to get down into a more explicit viewpoint, I chose to search for my sources by selecting three disciplines.
Ever since the occupation of Ireland by the English began in 1169, Irish patriots have fought back against British rule, and the many Irish rebellions and civil wars had always been defeated. To quash further rebellion, the Act of Union was imposed in 1800, tying Ireland to the United Kingdom of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Laws discriminating against Catholics and the handling of the Irish Potato Famine of 1845-50 led to increased tension and the proposal of introducing Home Rule gained support.
From then until the early 1990s Northern Ireland’s legislation passed through the British Parliament by orders in council (ordinances technically issued directly from the British monarch in consultation with members of the Cabinet) rather than as fully debated legislation. In 1983 the number of Northern Irish representatives in the British Parliament increased from 12 to 17, and in 1997 to 18. In a 1973 referendum largely boycotted by Roman Catholics, the voters of Northern Ireland chose to retain ties with Britain rather than join the Republic of Ireland.
The description of “Corpses were lying all over the street, many of them with their heads and limbs missing, others with their intestines pouring out. Some were bloody messes. Chunks of flesh and arms and les were hanging from the telegraph poles. The open swearers were clogged with bloody water, human flesh, and rubbles” (124). showed how badly the civil war between communists and nationalists.
Bernhardt and Hugh Thompson Jr. Hugh Thompson Jr. was the only man to even attempt to stop the killings. Thompson even went as far as landing his helicopter between the soldiers and villagers in order to protect the villagers, he also threatened to shoot his fellow soldiers himself if they continued on with the massacre. When Thompson Jr. returned to base that same day he reported what he had witnessed. (p.23) Unfortunately, Hugh Thompson Jr.’s report to his superiors was covered up. The cover up went all the way through the chain of command. Lieutenant Colonel Frank Barker wrote twelve days after the massacre that is was a successful mission and that “Friendly casualties were light and the enemy suffered heavily.”. (p.31)
Bloody Sunday occurred on the 21st of November 1920. It was an act of terror and day of violence and bloodshed in Dublin during the War of Independence. On the morning of this day fourteen men were killed in a planned operation to kill British agents in Dublin, directed by Michael Collins. In retaliation members of the Auxiliary Division and Royal Irish Constabulary shot and killed fourteen people and injured dozens more after opening fire on the crowd of five thousand spectators at the Dublin versus Tipperary match in Croke Park. It became a turning point in the war.
is all one country so they should get along. I think it will take a
Turner, John (2003) “ Governors, governance and governed: British Politics Since 1945 in Burk, K (eds) The British Isles Since 1945. New York: Oxford University Press
The analysis shall be conducted to determine the liability of each of the sources. As well, a thorough analysis of the two books, will allow their significance to the investigation. The Anglo-Irish Treaty was agreed between the Sinn Fein (equivalent of the Irish Republican party) representatives and the British government on the 6th of December 1921 (Coogan, Morrison 24). The signing of the Treaty led to hostile debates in the Dail (Irish Parliament) before being accepted by a slight majority, 64 in favour to 57 against, in January 1922 (David). The divisions in the Sinn Fein ‘spilled’ over into nationalist movements and into the ranks of the Irish Republican Army (I.R.A) (Cottrell 30, Walsh).
but never associated himself with the political conflict that surrounded Northern Ireland. James Nesbitt is also a very well known actor for certain roles he had fulfilled before ‘Bloody Sunday’, which automatically drew in a wider crowd, that would not have been familiar with the events of Bloody Sunday. Nesbitt holds generic qualities, as the everyday ‘trustworthy’ man, easy for anyone to identify with, due to his uncontroversial persona. The film begins with Cooper explaining the terms of the march and the area it was going to occupy. ‘Bloody Sunday’ works as a montage sequence of jump cuts, compressing long images into short takes, to cover the vital aspects of the days events, delivering a sense of continuity, a technique which is also used in’’71.’