Therefore, if the CCP decided to engage in a war with Taiwan, the United States would have no choice but to support Taiwan. In regard to the CCP, its involvement would come in because the CCP still considers Taiwan as part of China. Since Deng Xiaoping’s era, the CCP has promoted nationalism as the new direction of the Party instead of communism. Part of promoting that image is ensuring the unity of China. This includes Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan as part of China.
China’s long-term goal to transform itself into a major world power presents a fundamental security challenge to the United States. As the world’s only superpower, how should the United States handle China’s rise in a way that avoids the potential for conflict? The fundamental answer to this question lies in the competing liberal and realist theories of international relations. Liberal theory advocates a policy of economic and institutional inclusion with the aim of integrating China into the global economy. Liberal school of thought is of the view that by encouraging China’s development, China will eventually adopt Western-style democratic liberalism, greatly limiting the potential for conflict.
This sparked the start of China’s military modernization and their reemergence to the international community. China’s international policy is to promote world peace. They hope to do so by staying neutral and only defending their interests, and not instigating. The only contradiction in China’s policy is that it interferes with Tibet and Taiwan. If Taiwan ever tries declaring independence, China will declare war on them and it just so happens the United States is an ally of Taiwan.
Any slowdown in economic growth could potentially lead to political instability. Therefore, all available resources are directed to maintaining a healthy pace of economic growth (Yu p. 186). At this point in development, China does not feel that it has the resources to be involved in remote... ... middle of paper ... ... cede to informal discussions on security to prove that China is a responsible international actor and because any refusal might result in China being left out of international decision making. However, except in the nuclear non-proliferation issue, China's new acceptance of multilateralism is based on a calculated tactical adjustment rather than a true fundamental shift in appreciation for multilateralism. China must feel secure in its new place as a global power before any true shift may occur.
China and the U... ... middle of paper ... ...esence in the region. Furthermore, the United States is skeptical to allow China’s growth. However, China has opted to cooperate with the United States instead of waging war against it. If this situation of mutual benefit is upheld, then it is most likely that China will rise peacefully. Works Cited Guo, S. (2006) China’s Peaceful Rise in the 21st Century: Domestic and International Conditions, London: Ashgate Publishing Limited.
Regardless of pragmatic Chinese policies, the assumption of military or economic conflict potentially still remains. However, this is very much dependent on a theoretical projection into the future mainly coming from the theories of Realism and Liberalism each having a different sense of what is going to take place. Both have plausible possibilities but this essay will argue that China’s embrace of the international system has been convincing and that it will ultimately change its own conception of its own self-interest. The fundamentals of liberal values were set in the enlightenment period. The liberal mission tries to set a structure for a civilised process of how a political system should progress to the point of bringing the best out of individuals, society and states.
COUNTER-ARGUMENTS Economic Stability China’s rise will not be a threat to Asian stability. It seems that the peaceful rise of China is calculated by other Asian countries as a potential economic threat in the region. But on the contrary, China is not a threat as perceived. China, in reality is just another regular state making waves to restore its lost pride after being materially humiliated, defeated, and shammed by Imperial Japan –and the West- in pre-modern East Asia. Its peaceful rise to global importance is ironically a hybrid balance between capitalism and socialism, which some experts and scholars are still struggling to explain.
China needs to break through bilateralism and even multilateralism; China needs to deal with the problems in the whole international situation. China's international responsibility is the key. When Both Chia and United States perform right duties, the relationship between the two powerful states will be stable. Then, China will be accepted by more and more countries; South China Sea issue would not be argued on surface. Since president Obama started his work in the white house, the relationship between China and United States seems to fell into the circle “back up- stabilize- back up” again, but president Obama’s government change the traditional policy to China, which is suppressing at the first and more cooperation later.
The U.S. and other nations need to keep policies in tact that enforce mutual respect and interests. The U.S. has to keep a watchful so as not to let China alienate us from the Asian markets and policies with other nations need to respect that. They already know how the U.S. handles its country but no one can be sure how China will be if it supersedes the U.S. as the dominant global power. Any policy should keep in mind that China and the U.S. together can have a great positive effect on the world economy. The two have worked together in the past and both know the consequences of not having each other as mutual partners.
In response, Malik claims that India's evolving foreign policy reflects its desire to 'build an arc of strategic partnership with China's key neighbours in Asia Pacific and to help neutralize the growing Chinese military assistance and activity around India and to develop counter-leverages of its own to keep China sober' . Mohan also argues that if both India and regional actors recognize its converging interest against China, then they will inevitably 'generate better conditions for balancing China through the framework for a more sustainable strategic coordination in Asia' . Hence, it seems India is seeking geopolitical partnership with both major and littoral states in multiple directions to serve its security interests because India desire neither China nor the US dominate in the region. This essay will first examine how India's security role exercises diplomatic leverage in Asia-Pacific multilateral organizations, such as, in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Association of ... ... middle of paper ... ...d New Delhi to add more depth to the US-India defense engagement for a stable balance of power in Asia '. Also, according to Mishra, such undeterred supports from the US to India is the evidence that the US strategically assists India to bring her into the balance of power politics because India is the only state in the region which has the capability to balance China .