Robert S. McNamara served as Secretary of Defense for the United States under both President John F. Kennedy and President Lyndon B. Johnson from 1961 to 1968. During his service, McNamara oversaw military action for one of America’s most controversial wars, the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War created a polarity of opinions in the United States over what the correct the course of war would be. Those who advocated for a cease fire were referred to as “doves” while those who preferred elevated military action were called “hawk”. One thing that these two parties could agree upon, however, was a timely end to this highly unpopular war. As the war continued to decline, McNamara’s involvement was scrutinized even more intensely. Popularly dubbed in …show more content…
This unfortunate legacy of failure in Vietnam carried far past the end of his service as Secretary of Defense. For years after, there have been ongoing debates as to what factors led the outcome of the Vietnam War. It wasn’t until 1995 that Robert McNamara contributed his own viewpoint on where the responsibility for the result of the war fell. McNamara’s memoir, “In Retrospect”, chronicles his perspective on the role he played as Secretary of Defense. It is apparent in his memoir that the public image associated with McNamara is vastly different from the McNamara he presents. Ironically, this infamous war he was so commonly know for may have been a war that privately he did not support.[1] This raises the question—was this hawk actually a …show more content…
McNamara graduated Harvard with a master’s degree in business, served in the U.S. Army Air Corps, and was President of the Ford Motor Company. Given his background in analytics, President Kennedy asked McNamara to be his Secretary of Defense in 1960. The American military support of Southern Vietnamese forces gradually increased during Kennedy’s presidency. Early public opinion of the Vietnam wasn’t necessarily bad. The widespread American notion of the war was seen as a fight against communism. This paired with the preconceived idea of Northern Vietnam’s inferiority as a military power seemed like favorable odds for and easy American win given it’s reputation as a global hegemony. Because of this, Kennedy, with the advisement of McNamara, approached the conflict under the principles of limited war. However, the Kennedy administration did not anticipate was the unexpected tactic of guerrilla warfare paired with the unwavering dedication to the war effort. After President Kennedy’s assassination, Lyndon B. Johnson took over the role of President. Before Kennedy’s death, there had been talks between him and McNamara about withdrawing troops from the war. This strategy was not shared by Johnson. His primary strategy was to escalade and “Americanize” the war.[2] FACTS ABOUT VIETNAM BOOK. McNamara’s actions match this accordingly as Johnson’s Secretary of Defense until McNamara’s resignation in 1978. However, by evaluating
One of the key strengths of this book is the author's first-hand knowledge of the people, places, and events that he is writing about. He also supplemented this first-hand knowledge with extensive interviews. In one example, he elaborated on the "chain of command" in Vietnam, which began with General Paul Harkins (and William C. Westmoreland) to the CINCPAC (Admiral Harry Felt) and from CINCPAC to Washington. "Not once in their four years of mutual agony in Vietnam did Harkins's successor, General Westmoreland, pick up the telephone and call his commander-in-chief, President Lyndon B. Johnson. Westmoreland did not have the authority, he told me."(169) This information came directly from an interview with Westmoreland. There are other anecdotes similar to this with each contributing to the extensive nature of the book's detail.
The aftermath — No More Vietnams — is well-covered in Appy’s work. The No More Vietnam mantra is usually presented as avoiding quagmires, focusing on quick, sharp wins. Instead, Appy shows politicians have manipulated No More Vietnams into meaning greater secrecy (think Central America in the 1980’s), more over-the-top justifications (“You don’t want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud”) and an emphasis on keeping American deaths inside the acceptable limits of the day to tamp down any public anti-war sentiment.
The Vietnam War: A Concise International History is a strong book that portrays a vivid picture of both sides of the war. By getting access to new information and using valid sources, Lawrence’s study deserves credibility. After reading this book, a new light and understanding of the Vietnam war exists.
The regrets of the many lives lost in Vietnam. The former secretary of defense Robert McNamara published a memoir, two decades after the war ended. In the memoir he admitted that the policy he helped create was “terribly wrong”. He stated that the ignorance of the history, the culture of Vietnam, and the misguided belief that every communist movement in the world was led by Moscow, had led the United States into a war that was unwinnable and regrettable. (Foner, 4th edition, pg.1030) The students of The Port Huron Statement were right by being against the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War was a military, political, and social disaster. Which only brought casualties in the lives of American people. It was an unforgivable mistake caused by Presidents that feared that the public would not forgive them for “losing” the Vietnam War.
In his speech, Eugene McCarthy describes why fighting the Vietnam War was a poor decision to make. First, he mentions how John F. Kennedy gave hope and courage to America and its people in 1963; on the other hand, in 1967, America was in a period of frustration and distrust due to the escalation of the Vietnam War. McCarthy states that America is not the world police and should not be giving promises that they could not follow through with. Moreover, the United States was fighting a pointless war where there are no changes being seen. “I see little evidence that the administration has set any limits on the price which it will pay for a military victory which becomes less and less sure and more hollow and empty in promise” (McCarthy). Throughout the duration of the war, the United States made very little progress, even though they had p...
Robert S. McNamara's book, In Retrospect, tells the story of one man's journey throughout the trials and tribulations of what seems to be the United States utmost fatality; the Vietnam War. McNamara's personal encounters gives an inside perspective never before heard of, and exposes the truth behind the administration.
Due to the volatile conditions of the Vietnam War, the protestors believed that they should not be involved in a war that they cared so little about. Public opinion heavily swayed during the war as only one senator dissented from the overwhelming opinion to fight the war (Amter 45). However, as President Johnson escalated the war and the Draft increased by 25% in 1968, those youths being conscripted were infuriated (Dougan 118). Not only this, the North Vietnamese began a ruthless offensive on American soldiers by merciless attacking our bases. This resulted in US victories, but also US casualties (Dougan 116). Also, the marines stationed at the bases began to use offensive attacks to deter Viet Cong assault against the wishes of General Taylor (Karnov 443). With these new less defensive strategy, Nixon announced plans to start operations in Cambodia, and to increase the bombings overall in Southeast Asia (Dougan 180). Some missions even began t...
The decision to aid Vietnam was a difficult one that all five Presidents struggled with but it was in 1961 when Kennedy sent a team to Vietnam to report on conditions in the South and to assess future American aid requirements (Rorak, 1,065). The problem was that this decision was like a snowball roiling down a hill, gaining size and momentum as it tore a path down the hill. While I agree with President Kennedy’s analysis that “this is their war and that they are the ones who have to win it or lose it” it does not spport the fact that the war lasted for MMM years. President Kennedy further states that, ”We can help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as advisers, but t...
The Patriot is a fictional story directed by Roland Emmerich, based on the true events of the American Revolution. Set in colonial South Carolina in the year 1776, the story of a war hero attempting to escape the haunting memories of the French-Indian War is put in a difficult position and is torn between protecting his family and defending his country. Benjamin Martin, played by Mel Gibson, is a widowed man with seven children living a peaceful life at a plantation, who would do absolutely anything to protect his children. When the decision to enlist in the newly formed Continental Army is approached in court, Benjamin says that he absolutely will not fight, and when speaking to Col. Harry Burwell in court he says “this war will be fought not on the frontier or on some distant battlefield. But amongst us, among our homes.” He knows that many innocent people will die, and the safety of his children will be disrupted, so therefore he does not cast a vote. When questioned about his principles, he responds saying that he is a parent, and therefore does not have the luxury of principles; once again confirming that family is the most important aspect of life to him. On the other hand, his oldest son Gabriel, played by Heath Ledger, is the complete opposite; he is extremely eager to enlist in the newly formed Continental Army, and he feels as though it is his duty to enlist and fight for freedom and independence, therefore, against his father’s orders, he enlists immediately. As the war moves forward, Gabriel is seen injured, and along with other wounded militia men, they rest at Benjamin’s home. Colonel William Tavington, played by Jason Isaacs, along with other British soldiers become aware of this and take many militia men as prisone...
He was also a Gulf War veteran who commanded an armored cavalry. His desire in writing this book was to examine, through the recently declassified documents, manuscript collections, and the Joint Chief of Staff official histories, where the responsibility for the Vietnam foreign policy disaster lay, but also examine the decisions made that involved the United States in a war they could not win. This book details the discussion of government policy in the stages of the Vietnam crisis from 1961-July 1965. It examines the main characters of President Lyndon B. Johnson, Robert McNamara, in addition to the military, which included the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It began in the Kennedy era amidst the Bay of Pigs incident and how that led to mistrust of the military planning by advisors and the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
In the film The Fog of War, McNamara learns a number of lessons from the figures of the 20th-century American government. The film offers a view on the human side of the people entrusted to the control the United States and the way their personalities affect the state’s policies. The film provides an insight for historians and politicians into the way individuals and different personalities influence the decisions of the U.S foreign policy. The film is a focus on the fragile side of the leaders in both the mental and physical capacities. The lessons of McNamara indicate the influence of human decisions on the international relations of a nation as seen from the theories of global politics.
So many things influenced our involvement in the Vietnam War, and Lawrence examines the decisions we made in a greater context than just our own. He argues that international pressures controlled the attitudes and ideas of the United States, for the most part.
“In July 1965, Lyndon Johnson chose to Americanize the war in Vietnam.” Although Johnson chose to enter America into the war, there were events previous that caused America to enter and take over the war. The South Vietnamese were losing the war against Communism – giving Johnson all the more reason to enter the war, and allowing strong American forces to help stop communism. There were other contributing factors leading up to the entrance of the war; America helped assist the French in the war, Johnson’s politics, the Tonkin Gulf Incident, and the 1954 Geneva Conference. President Johnson stated, “For 10 years three American Presidents-President Eisenhower, President Kennedy, and your present President--and the American people have been actively concerned with threats to the peace and security of the peoples of southeast Asia from the Communist government of North Viet-Nam.”
Anderson, D. (2002). The Columbia guide to the Vietnam War. New York: Columbia University Press.
JOHN F. KENNEDY IN VIETNAM There are many critical questions surrounding United States involvement in Vietnam. American entry to Vietnam was a series of many choices made by five successive presidents during these years of 1945-1975. The policies of John F. Kennedy during the years of 1961-1963 were ones of military action, diplomacy, and liberalism. Each of his decision was on its merits at the time the decision was made. The belief that Vietnam was a test of the Americas ability to defeat communists in Vietnam lay at the center of Kennedy¡¦s policy. Kennedy promised in his inaugural address, Let every nation know...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty. From the 1880s until World War II, France governed Vietnam as part of French Indochina, which also included Cambodia and Laos. The country was under the formal control of an emperor, Bao Dai. From 1946 until 1954, the Vietnamese struggled for their independence from France during the first Indochina War. At the end of this war, the country was temporarily divided into North and South Vietnam. North Vietnam came under the control of the Vietnamese Communists who had opposed France and aimed for a unified Vietnam under Communist rule. Vietnamese who had collaborated with the French controlled the South. For this reason the United States became involved in Vietnam because it believed that if all of the country fell under a Communist government, Communism would spread throughout Southeast Asia and further. This belief was known as the domino theory. The decision to enter Vietnam reflected America¡¦s idea of its global role-U.S. could not recoil from world leadership. The U.S. government supported the South Vietnamese government. The U.S. government wanted to establish the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), which extended protection to South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos in case of Communist subversion. SEATO, which came into force in 1955, became the way which Washington justified its support for South Vietnam; this support eventually became direct involvement of U.S. troops. In 1955, the United States picked Ngo Dinh Diem to replace Bao Dai as head of the anti-Communist regime in South Vietnam. Eisenhower chose to support Ngo Dinh Diem. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born in Brookline, Mass., on May 29, 1917. Kennedy graduated from Harvard University in 1940 and joined the Navy the next year.