The Neoconservatism Movement - Out of the Ashes of Failed Liberalism
Neoconservatism is a relatively recent term, no more than thirty or forty years old. In fact, many of its members never truly accepted the term at all. And while its name may be relatively easy to pinpoint, its roots refuse to be tied to any one person, event, or movement. Rather, neoconservatism stems from a number of social and political factors.
One of the largest sociopolitical factors in the development of neoconservatism revolves around the 1960s liberal movement. Himmelstein states in his book, To the Right, that a number of "factors contributed to a general crisis of confidence in American institutions and created a political opening for . . . the Right, which presented itself in the late 1970s as a ‘revitalization movement’" (6). It seems that Himmelstein is describing a progression parallel to the liberal movement of the 1960s, on a smaller scale and with an alternative ideology hindered by fewer limitations. Accordingly, Francis states, in Beautiful Losers, that "the emergence in the 1970s of the political and intellectual movement known as "neoconservatism" is generally regarded as a response to the failures of conventional liberalism to deal effectively with the challenges of that decade [i.e. 1960s]" (95). So, are we to believe that neoconservatism stems exclusively from disenchanted 1960s liberals? Irving Kristol, a noted fore-founder of the movement, attaches an even more specific label, describing neoconservatism as "the erosion of liberal faith among a relatively small . . . group of scholars and intellectuals, and the movement of this group toward a more conservative point of view," without completely conforming to the traditional Repub...
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Francis, Samuel. Beautiful Losers: Essays on the Failure of American Conservatism. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1993.
Himmelstein, Jerome L. To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism. Berkely: University of California Press, 1990.
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Although homelessness and mental illness are two separate experiences, they have similar starts. Those that suffer from infantile misfortune are probable to becoming homeless by the time they are adults and could have physical or mental health difficulties (Montgomery et al. S265). Having a history of abuse, being a woman, and long periods of homelessness are big factors in the development of a mental illness (Helfrich et al. 116). The victimization state of mind experienced by many homeless is detrimental in why they cannot cope with their current situation. This also means that they could focus too much on one thing and become hysterical or paranoid. Witnessing a traumatic event is increased by homelessness and is more likely to cause mental disorders (qtd. in Helfrich et al. 116). Illnesses like PTSD are linked directly to the victim seeing a traumatic scene (Helfrich et al...
Sidney M. Milkis, Michael Nelson. The American Presidency Origins & Development, 1776-2011. Washington DC: CQ Press, 2008.
7 Hamilton Fish, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, (New York: Vantage Press 1976), pp.
In the late1960’s American politics were shifting at a National level with liberalism being less supported as its politics were perceived as flawed, both by people on the left who thought that liberalism was not as effective as more radical political enterprises and by conservatives who believed that liberal politics were ostensibly crippling the American economy.
Looking at the United States in 1965, it would seem that the future of the liberal consensus was well entrenched. The anti-war movement was in full swing, civil rights were moving forward, and Johnson's Great Society was working to alleviate the plight of the poor in America. Yet, by 1968 the liberal consensus had fallen apart, which led to the triumph of conservatism with the election of President Reagan in 1980. The question must be posed, how in the course of 15 years did liberal consensus fall apart and conservatism rise to the forefront? What were the decisive factors that caused the fracturing of what seemed to be such a powerful political force? In looking at the period from 1968 to the triumph of Reagan in 1980, America was shaken to the core by the Watergate scandal, the stalling of economic growth, gas shortages, and the Vietnam War. In an era that included the amount of turbulence that the 1970's did, it is not difficult to imagine that conservatism come to power. In this paper I will analyze how the liberal consensus went from one of its high points in 1965 to one of its lows in 1968. From there I will show how conservatism rose to power by the 1980 elections. In doing so, I will look at how factors within the American economy, civil rights issues, and political workings of the United States contributed to the fracturing of the liberal consensus and the rise of conservatism.
The 1960s and 1970s helped shape the conservative movement to grow in popularity and allowed conservatives to enjoy modern benefits such as economic prosperity and consumerism without conforming to liberal ideologies. The period of strong conservative support, the 1960s, usually refers to the time frame between 1964 through 1974. The grass roots mobilization started strong with the help of Orange County's middle-class men and women volunteers. The effort and hard work of these people along with economic support from businesses such as the National Review helped to spread conservative philosophy. Other contributions to the effort include community meetings, film showing, handing out pamphlets, and Fred Schwarz's school of anti-communism to inform Southern Californians of communist threat. Among anti-communism, conservatives also believe in the importance of religion, a restrictive government role, upholding traditional American values, and private business prosperity. The ethos upheld by long-time residents along with a heavy migration of people who would later join right-wing conservatism made Orange County the ideal location to enrich and expand the movement.
Schwarz, Frederic D. "The Demagogue’s Downfall." American Heritage Nov.-Dec. 2004: volume 55, issue 6. Web.
Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (New York: Random House Publishing, 1973).
Moore, Michael. “Idiot Nation.” Rereading America: Cultural Contexts for Critical Thinking and Writing. Ed. Gary Colombo, Robert Cullen, Bonnie Lisle. 8th ed. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2010. 128-145.
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After reviewing the literature, this author pinpointed several environmental, individual, and agent factors, which make up the epidemiologic triad, contribute to the topic of mental health in the homeless.
Story, Ronald and Bruce Laurie. The Rise of Conservatism in America, 1945-2000: A Brief History with Documents. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2008. Print.
In the duration of one year, 1968, the American national mood shifted from general confidence and optimism to chaotic confusion. Certainly the most turbulent twelve months of the post-WWII period and arguably one of the most disturbing episodes the country has endured since the Civil War, 1968 offers the world a glimpse into the tumultuous workings of a revolution. Although the entire epoch of the 1960's remains significant in US history, 1968 stands alone as the pivotal year of the decade; it was the moment when all of the nation's urges toward violence, sublimity, diversity, and disorder peaked to produce a transformation great enough to blanket an entire society. While some may superficially disagree, the evidence found in the Tet Offensive, race relations, and the counterculture's music of the period undeniably affirm 1968 as a turning point in American history.
...ould harm it, while conservatives tend to oppose things such as the Clean Air Act for monetary reasons. Conservatives tend to support smaller government while liberals tend to want a larger government. Even though there are many differences between the two ideologies they both derived from classical liberalism. Some individuals refer to classical liberalism as the “best of both worlds” ideology. Both ideologies believe in hierarchies as an organization principle of society and both believe in the “middle class.” They both believe in the constitution and share many moral values. The two ideologies are very different, yet they are not complete opposites in every situation or argument. Many individuals have a hard time labeling themselves a ‘liberal’ or a ‘conservative’ because they may have liberal beliefs in one-area of politics and conservative beliefs in another.
Jones, W. T. Masters of Political Thought. Ed. Edward, McChesner, and Sait. Vol. 2. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1947.