Prince Klemens von Metternich believed in a monarch supported by the church. In the eighteenth century, the peak of his political power, he wrote Political Confessions of Faith (1820). In his work, he speaks about the political downfall of the French government and how one can create a divine monarch using the church and the power that comes along with it. In Political Confessions of Faith, Metternich identifies two elements that are most important to a nation. These two are the precepts of morality, religious as well as social, and the necessities created by locality (2). Metternich explains that whenever society strays from these elements, the only thing it its wake is bloodshed. Because of new ways of thinking, the people of this time period’s values and morals have changed. Lavish living has become more important than worship. The revolution caused the sense of locality to vanish, along with the necessities created by it. Lavish spending and entitlement led people to revolt. …show more content…
The French people were quick to blame the government for all the misfortune they possess, yet ignored the potential evil or crisis the social body was heading towards within themselves. Because of the rapid sequence of horrific events in the beginning of the French revolution, it prevented the subversive principles to be spread passes the frontiers of France, and the wars of conquest which succeeded them gave to the public mind a direction little favorable to revolutionary principles (2). French men have disgraced the religion by ‘attacking with a steady and systematic animosity, and all it is there that the weapon of ridicule has been used with the most ease and success (2). Metternich was not in support of the French
Prince Clemons von Metternich was the Chief Minister of the Habsburg monarchy who was a conservative and against enlightenment. After the fall of Napoleon, Metternich worked to restore the European balance of power and to overturn revolutionary movements. After the revolutions, he used conservative ideals too rebuild Europe. Metternich, a leading advocate for conservatism says “ …passions are let loose, and league together to overthrow everything which society respects as the basis of its existence; religion, public morality, laws, customs, rights, and duties, are all attacked , confounded, overthrown or called into question”(Metternich, qtd. In Swanson, 25). Metternich is describing the uselessness and the mindset of the people involved in the revolution. These kinds of attitudes expressed by Metternich would result in more restrictive policies.
To summarize the book into a few paragraphs doesn't due it the justice it deserves. The beginning details of the French and Ind...
When one looks at France after Napoleon’s reign, it is clear that he had brought much longed for order and stability. He had also established institutions that embodied the main principles of the revolution. However, it is also evident that many of his policies directly contradict those same principles. Was Napoleon betraying the same revolution that gave him power, or was he merely a pragmatist, who recognised that to consolidate the achievements of the revolution he needed to sacrifice some of those principles? Firstly, in order to determine whether Bonaparte betrayed the revolution, it is necessary to define what one means by “the revolution”.
Kittelson, James M. Luther the Reformer: The Story of the Man and His Career. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003.
Hunt discusses the way in which Ancient Greece and Rome forced many people into slavery and created many treatises in order to organize society by decree of ideology. Society had to be structured in order to properly operate, as Diamond conveys the idea that ideologies must be present for the society to have structural integrity. Once again, in chapter 14, Diamond discusses the importance of ideology as groups structure in bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states. As groups progress and evolve their ideologies, society advances and allows prosperity and welfare among the people. On the contrary, Hunt discusses the importance of custom and tradition within medieval societies. Many of these societies lacked the central authority that allowed for organization, so many systems were based off the mutual obligations and services of the people. This allowed for various ideologies to facilitate the advancement of society as their changes altered the changes of society. Thus, the medieval societies required much attentiveness to following ideology in order to operate on a sound
The Declaration’s proclamations of the “unalienable and sacred rights of man,” point towards religious undertones; however, Revolutionary France discontinued a state religion (National Assembly). Therefore, although the language of the document indicates a religion influence, it shies away from a religious focus. Thus, the Deistic thought which stemmed from the Enlightenment, although somewhat muted, clearly inspired the course of the French documents in a similar manner to that of the United States, in spite of the evolving viewpoints of the time. In addition to a religious disposition, statements regarding the “natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man,” indicate humanistic and morally inclined focuses from the Enlightenment (National
In Democracy in America, Alexis De Tocqueville explains the dangers of democracy and explains the virtues that temper these dangers. In this paper, I will look at two issues Tocqueville discussed extensively in late 19th century American democracy and posit what Tocqueville may say about these issues today. The points I will discuss are materialism and religion. In a democracy, such as America, the individual’s opportunity to succeed makes him more likely to become attached to material and money. However, in Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, this danger is tempered by religion, which quenches the lust for material by reducing its importance in comparison to good mores. These two elements of American democracy are a small portion of the “Habits of the hearts” of Americans; they are two ideas that complement each other to make democracy appealing and possible anywhere and everywhere. Is this the case today? Is the American’s relationship to materialism and religion similar today to what it was when Tocqueville visited America?
One of the most controversial figures in European History, Napoleon Bonaparte has never ceased to be a generator of debate and analysis among historians, authors, and students. Napoleon has been closely scrutinized by many in attempts to defend or demote his motives, ambitions, and actions as Emperor of France. Nonetheless, those with true qualities of a ruler are few and far between – and Napoleon possessed the drive and ambition to bring these qualities to their full potential. Napoleon was the hero of nineteenth-century France, restoring the country to its former glory after the violence, instability, and turmoil of the French Revolution. Napoleon was the classic underdog, originally viewed as a “second-class Frenchman” due to his Corsican origins, but rising to success based on his own hard work and determination. He demonstrated the most improbable capacity for resilience; although he faced defeat on multiple occasions, he persevered and continually refused to surrender. As well, Napoleon was a protector and enforcer of “Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité” through the promotion of religious freedom and the nationwide application of French laws throughout his rule.
In order to investigate the claim that ‘Napoleon betrayed the revolution’, it has to be determined what is the French revolution? And what are the revolutionary ideals that Napoleon allegedly betrayed? If Napoleon betrayed the Revolution then he betrayed the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity. However if Napoleon did not betray the revolution, he consolidated the revolutionary ideals. The only way of determining whether Napoleon consolidated or betrayed the revolution is to explore his actions such as his military success, Dictatorship and social reforms. The difficulty of this analysis is that Napoleons motives for his actions determine whether he consolidated or betrayed the Revolution.
New York: Barnes & Noble, 1969. Print. The. Kreis, Steven. A. A. "Lecture 12: The French Revolution - Moderate Stage, 1789-1792.
St. Thomas Aquinas believes that, "tyranny is more likely to develop from rule of the many than that of one person. Therefore monarchy is preferable (Aquinas 21).” Aquinas believes that, “dissension among the rulers leads to general dissension." He thinks that, “nearly all governments by the many have entered into tyranny, as is demonstrated in the case of the Roman commonwealth (Aquinas 23).” Aquinas compares the king to the captain of the s...
From his figurative window, Rousseau sees a Europe ravaged by conflicts resulting from supposedly peaceable and civilized institutions (111). He posits that the essentially problematic flaw, the cause of conflict, is a contradiction in modes of relating: while individuals live within a framework of enforced norms ("l...
As the Reign of Terror in France grew and invoked fear the internal threats became more radical and deadly. The French Revolution began in 1789 as an attempt to create a new and fair government. (Doc A) As year four of freedom lurched the thirst for power in Maximilien Robespierre stirred and the hunger for more blood provoked him urging him to create the Reign of Terror. 1793, the first year of the Reign of Terror, Robespierre grasped on to his new power and as the revolution spun out of control the Jacobins Club established a new way to “fight enemies” by constructing a Committee of Public Safety and a Tribunal Court. (Doc A) This new government was working swell it contained counterrevolutionaries in the Vendée Region, and it smothered and ferreted the internal threats. (Docs A, C, G) The counterrevolutionaries adopted a name that meant trouble – the rabble. (Doc D) In a letter written by a city official of the Town of Niort a...
Prince Metternich was a gifted politician and understood the ideas of patriotism and nationalism in the balance of power in Europe. We see an example of his understanding of these ideas in how he treated France in the post-Napoleonic era that the Congress of Vienna was about. If you look at how gracious he was ...
At the start of the revolution, in 1789, France’s class system changed dramatically (Giddens, 2014). Aristocrats lost wealth and status, while those who were at the bottom of the social ladder, rose in positions. The rise of sociology involved the unorthodox views regarding society and man which were once relevant during the Enlightenment (Nisbet, 2014). Medievalism in France during the eighteenth century was still prevalent in its “legal structures, powerful guilds, in its communes, in the Church, in universities, and in the patriarchal family” (Nisbet, 2014). Philosophers of that time’s had an objective to attempt to eliminate the natural law theory of society (Nisbet, 2014). The preferred outcome was a coherent order in which the mobility of individuals would be unrestricted by the autonomous state (French Revolution). According to Karl Marx, economic status is extremely important for social change. The peasants felt the excess decadence of the ancient regime was at the expense of their basic standards of living, thus fuelling Marx’s idea of class based revolutions and the transition of society (Katz, 2014). This can be observed, for example, in novels such as Les Liaisons Dangereuses, a novel that had a role for mobilizing the attitudes of the