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Essay on new social movements
Essay on new social movements
New social movements today
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When looking at new social movements of today, there is not a newness to them, just a different set of claims, making it more so an evolution with a focus on quality of life. Structurally speaking, social movements are the same, there are claim receivers and claim makers that are attempting to change some part of society. Logically, claim receivers and claim makers will change as the times and needs of claim makers change, especially when social movements are successful. Fundamentally, there has been no change in social movements. All social movements, new and old have to deal with the quality of life and the perception to make it greater, this can be done economically or through the availability of rights. It seems as though social movements …show more content…
All though the authors state that they are motivated by values rather than by material concerns or professional norms (Keck & Sikkink 1998), these networks are motivated by material concerns that are just articulated as values. Quality of life is inherent in all forms of values, and in order to increase quality of life there has to be material concerns. The absence of professional norms only dictates the repertoire the networks can pull from since they are not confounded by those norms. From human rights, to international law, and women’s rights, all of these different issues focus on quality of life which material concern is inherant. Human rights effect the quality of life which means more material provided to an individual. Women’s focus on equality which is both tangible and intangible, from equal pay which translates into material things to the ability to compete in the job market. Arguably the inherent material concern is inherent in all the issues mentioned but in order to be transnational they had to be pushed as value. Equal pay is more palatable when surrounded by the value of women’s rights as just an example. Even international law surrounding war, in order to treat war prisoners humanly you have to provide them with material such as food and shelter. Quality of life is something that transcends social and ethnic boundaries, and that is why the collective action problem is usually overcame. International networking is costly, that is why a campaign seeks broad procedural change involving dispersed actors, and why strategies are more diffused. (Keck & Sikkinik 1998) The inclusivity in ideologies where at its core is quality of life allows for a broader audience of participants, and this evolution is due to the times, not and fundamental change in social movements. Stolle and Micheletti argue that consumers emerge as a force in global affairs, and are effective mechanism of global
Existing within the movement must be a leader or leaders, as well as a large number of committed followers or members. Additionally, social movements have “organizations or coalitions” working as a guiding backbone for collectivity and regulation (Stewart,
Throughout history, discontent has been felt by various groups of people. This discontent could be generated by modernization or undesirable conditions. As a result, social movements are put into effect to bring similar peoples together to fight for a common cause. Traditional Chinese foot binding and the controversial Lost Boys of Sudan demonstrate this exact situation, reinforcing the idea that the concept of the social movement can be considered a cross-cultural phenomenon.
Routledge, P. "Resisting and reshaping destructive development: social movements and globalising networks." Geographies of Global Change (2002): 310-327.
The world order as it is currently known is the entangled product of centuries of complicated and gruesome history of the interactions among people, one forever stained by human rights violations, morbid wars, and encroachments of power. Although these actions cannot be erased from history, they can be prevented from recurring. Acclaimed authors Kate Nash, in her book The Culture of Politics of Human Rights: Comparing the US and the US, and Hannah Arendt, in her chapter “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” explain their respective views regarding skepticisms of international institutions and global solidarity campaigns to address human rights matters and delineate the limits of the practicality of a post-national
Social Movements are complex organizations. They are born, growing from the roots of social injustice and inequality. They continue to grow as their leaves get blown around in the wind of society, landing here and there and creating supporters for their cause. Different chapters of supporters stem in different places, growing their own branches on the tree of social movements. At some point in time, organizations and their chapters go dormant. The organization may begin to slowly become inactive because of many reasons, but regardless of the reason, social movement organizations grow into a state of abeyance at some point.
“Transnational Activism and Global Transformations: The Anti-Apartheid and Abolitionist Experiences” a study conducted by Audie Klotz looks to transnational activism as a social movement to encourage the formation of new socioeconomic systems and overall global transformation. Klotz draws upon two major historical events where transnational activism was relatively successful: the abolitionist movement following the civil war and the contemporary civil unrest in South Africa brought on by the apartheid. Klotz turns to these social movements as critical transnational participants that provide socioeconomic and political changes globally by means of massive mobilization.
Academic discourse is the means by which new and old theories may be applied to a topic in order to reach a better understanding or challenge a notion raised within the field. It is through discussing and analyzing these concepts that individual voices may be applied to an academic community, allowing for a wider lens of thought to be picked up and further discussed. Grewal participates in this discourse in her article “'Women's Rights as Human Rights': Feminist Practices, Global Feminism, and Human Rights Regimes in Transnationality”. This paper shall analyze and discuss how Grewal applies previous theoretical concepts related to feminist discourse in order to offer a Transnationalist Feminist critique to the Global Feminist notion of Women's Rights as Human Rights.
The 1999 Seattle protests brought the apparent proliferation of anti-globalization grassroot sociopolitical movements into the limelight of the world stage. Transnational social movements (TSMs), international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), as well as the loose transnational activist networks (TANs) that contain them—all these came to be seen as an angry and no less potent backlash that's directed at the powerful states and increasingly towering economic IGOs such as the WTO, the IMF, and the World Bank. In the field of international relations, some regard this as a prophetic watershed event that signals the weakening and perhaps even collapsing of the state-centric system of international relations, while many others insist that Seattle is but an eventually insignificant episode in the book of globalization and state power, as evidenced by the Doha success.
Reviewing the relationships between each of these movements shows the connection they all shared in influencing each other. The development and growth of the African-American civil rights movement ultimately led to their success in realizing their goals being met. The New Left movement stemmed from this growth and success and as a result made their own impact on America through their similar tactics and approach to the issues of war and injustice. Feminism stemmed from the inequality with the New Left groups and the awareness brought on by the civil rights movements of the 1960s.
Paul Hawken, in the chapter “Blessed Unrest,” records the people of a new social movement, as well as their ideals, goals, and principles. He writes how they are connected, along with the diversity and differences they bring to make the social movement unique. Hawken communicates to the readers the various social, environmental, and political problems they will encounter in today’s world as well as similar problems of the past. Problems that these groups of organizations are planning to undertake with the perseverance of humanity.
Since the advent of the printing press, human communication has grown exponentially. The 20th century is certainly no exception to this trend as we have seen in the advent of radio, television, and the internet. The ease of communication allowed the voice of the masses to be readily heard, and has proved advantageous for social activists and the causes they championed. Such advantages did not go to waste as we have witnessed in movements like the civil rights movement or Fair Trade. Even today, we hear the cries of the “Occupy Wall Street” protestors. The truth is, progressive movements and their political pull are here to stay and contrary to Berry’s (2000) belief, those that grow around a “single issue” are just as successful as their multi-faceted counterparts.
It is not simple to present the satisfying definition of social movements. To clarify any confusion about this matter, I am going to give definitions of collective behavior and social movement; collective behavior is defined as activity involving a relatively large number of people that is often spontaneous and very typically in violation of established social norms. Social movements, by contrast, are organized and relatively sustained activities that have a clear goal in terms of achieving or preventing some social change. To search broader knowledge of social movements, sociologist Neil Smelser argued that there are two kinds of social movement. One is norm-oriented movement and the other is value-oriented movement. In this paper, I am going to focus on norm-oriented movement.
In this reading response I will attempt to examine selective chapters of Another Politics in the context of driving transformative change and its relation to particular theoretical and practical frameworks of societal organization. When I think of Another Politics I imagine the historical, epistemological, and theoretical origins of social movements and transformations on local and global scales that ultimately initiated the “another politics”. Given that the book traces the key developments of social movements mainly in North America, one could argue that some of the information might have little relevance to one’s experiences coming from the Global South. By no means this is said to down play the fact that social activism is rooted and especially prevalent in North America, but rather to problematize the scope of Another Politics that disregards the reality of social transformations which are in vigorous need of pursue in Global South.
According to Charles Tilly (2004) , social movement is defined as a series contentious performance, which are a mean for people to participate into public and political issues. Social movement is also the collective actions which grouping individuals, most likely, via the approach from bottom to top .
Across the globalization literature there are numerous theories and studies that provide us with substantive insight into the social processes that facilitate global processes. In the discussion that follows I engage two main strands, a) how globalization operates through flows, commodity chains, financialization and cities, and b) the dynamics of transnational social movements and global social change. In the final section,