Carlos Desanzo, Daniel James, and Steven Stein examined the lower class support for the populist leaders and all form different opinions. Steven Stein uses his research to examine populism and what it has in common and how it differentiates between countries. Carlos Desanzo uses his film Eva Peron to highlight the Argentine people’s love and support for their Peronist leaders, Juan and especially Eva. Daniel James explores several theories, most in contrast with Desanzo, from loyalties to just plain greed as a motivation to support Eva and Juan in the Peronist agenda. The three men work to examine populism’s support in Latin American countries and what inspired the movements. The Steven Stein exert is the first chapter from his book which …show more content…
His inclusion of the funeral scene when Eva was a child humanizes her and softens the intense determination she later shows. Desanzo displays that Eva understands the people’s need to have a voice and have rights by showing the shame and scorn she endured once her father past as the second family. Eva could bond with and talk to the people because she was one of them. She worked hard to help her people create opportunities to make everyday life better. This back fired as Desanzo showed when the opposite political party was able to sway the priest because she had passed a social law for families that undermined the churches beliefs. Her attempts to improve their daily lives made her the people’s choice as representation. They believed what she believed because she believed in them. He is also able to show the struggle the Peron’s and the people had against the outside forces and insides forces attempting to destabilize and over throw the Peron regime. Desanzo showcases that while other sources of opposing power did not believe in Peronism, or the Peron’s, the lower class supported and loved their leaders. This love was shown to be reciprocated as Eva continued to work for her people until she collapsed from sickness and how even at her weakest she tried to remain seen to keep people’s spirits
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
Nevertheless, the movie undoubtedly mirrors many of the current socio-political time in which the film was made. The title itself refers to a famous quotation from the Nobel Prize-winning author Mario Vargas Llosa, who once referred to Mexico's ruling party, the PRI, as a "camouflaged dictatorship," thereby making it "the perfect dictatorship." In this way, the movie is directly acknowledging its relevance to modern Mexico and its politics and is clearly very self-aware. The plot itself was based on the real life perceived Televisa controversy during the 2012 Mexican presidential election, in which Mexican citizens believe that the media was unfairly showing a preference for the PRI candidate, Enrique Peña Nieto. While it could be argued that the movie takes this idea of favoring one candidate over another to extreme lengths (although perhaps it isn’t showing anything unduly unrealistic – there’s no real way to know) and hyperbolizes the effect of the media in Mexican politics, there is clearly a strong element of truth and reality there. The movie would not have had nearly the same effect if it was not at least somewhat grounded in reality. And I think that, while the media does not have absolute and final control over politics, they do to a very large and important extent and this extends far beyond the movie alone, especially in today’s age of fake
Unlike any other Latin American country, since the nineteenth century, Chile has had a traditional electoral democracy. With its socialist revolutionary leader, Salvador Allende, creating the electoral coalition called “Popular Unity,” Allende won the 1970 presidential election of Chile. His presidency produced a radicalization among workers, but later his controlled insurrection was defeated by the uncontrollable revolution started by Chilean citizens. The military later overthrew Allende in 1973 and Augusto Pinochet assumed power. Patricio Guzman, a Chilean film director made a film of the depiction of student's reactions to his screening of The Battle of Chile, a documentary called Chile, Obstinate Memory. Even after decades of this regime, the student movement in Chile is going steady and this film compares and contrasts with it in various factors.
Rondefeldt, David F. and Arroyo Center. The Zapatista “social netwar” in Mexico. Rand Corporation, 1998
The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.” The times favored the democratic concepts professed by the middle class. A wave of freedom of speech, press, and assembly engulfed much of Latin America and bathed the middle class with satisfaction. New political parties emerged to represent broader segments of the population. Democracy, always a fragile plant anywhere, seemed ready to blossom throughout Latin America. Nowhere was this change more amply illustrated than in Guatemala, where Jorge Ubico ruled as dictator from 1931 until 1944. Ubico, a former minister of war, carried out unprecedented centralization of the state and repression of his opponents. Although he technically ended debt peonage, the 1934 vagrancy law required the carrying of identification cards and improved ...
Juan Domingo Perón is known as the greatest Argentinean politician of all time. However, he is also one of he most controversial. His tactics and alliances are often criticized as are the changes and developments he brought about in Argentina. The one thing that can be concluded by all is that this man led a very complex and important life.
Perón began to control the media to keep up his good image for both the people of Argentina, and the rest of the world (DeChancie 62) . Perón ordered officers to shut down any anti-Peronist newspapers and radio shows; it also became a crime to speak poorly of Perón and the Argentine government. Perón called anti-Peronists “unpatriotic” and thought it should be illegal to be against Peronism (DeChancie 58) .
Peeler, John A. Latin American Democracies. Chapel Hill, NC and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985. Print.
Through Eva’s eyes, she sees the world as it should be not how others want it to be. She is deeply saddened by watching the girls, SGs, dangle above the pond in their backyard. Eva is pure in the sense that she has not been tainted by the alluring things wealth can by, her humanity is still intact. She cares for the SGs and is intelligent enough to realize they are more than lawn ornaments. Each SG comes from a different country, “Tami (Laos), Gwen (Moldova), Lisa (Somalia), Betty (Philippines)”, all coming from improvised countries hoping to provide a more stable life for their loved one’s back home. Eva is able to see the facts for what they are while her family and the Torinis simply view the SGs as
Throughout his life, he traveled around Latin America and pursued his passion of being a transnational revolutionary. His biggest success was in Cuba, however, his ideas and tactics were transcended into many other movements around the continent with the publication of his 1960 book, Guerrilla Warfare. Here, Guevara illustrates the situations, tactics and skills that are most effective for social revolution to occur. In his book, he delves into innate detail regarding the strategy, tactics and favorable environment for guerrilla warfare. Although he outlines the necessary conditions for a triumphant revolution, Guevara’s book was not useful for sparking any other successful insurgencies throughout Latin America because it downplays the significance of the urban resistance and popular support as important factors to consider within a successful social revolution.
From the Institutional Revolutionary party (PRI) to the National Action Party (PAN) to the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD), Mexico has had many political parties in the past and present but many have questioned the fact that how has PRI manage to stay in power and maintain its place as the dominant party in the past. In this short research paper I am going to be talking about Partido Revolucionario Institutional (PRI) and Mexico. I want to discuss the history of PRI and how it came about during and after the Mexican Revolution. I will also touch upon the party’s weaknesses and precursors that might have signaled its loss in the elections of 2000.
Taylor, Diana. "Trapped in Bad Scripts: The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo". Disappearing Acts. Spectacles of Gender and Nationalism in Argentina's "Dirty War." Duke Univ. Press: 1997. 183-222.
When we think about society, there is often a stark contrast between the controversy projected in the media that our society faces, and the mellow, safe view we have of our own smaller, more tangible, ‘local’ society. This leads us to believe that our way of life is protected, and our rights secured by that concept of society that has been fabricated and built upon. However, what if society were not what we perceive it to be, and the government chose to exercise its power in an oppressive manner? As a society we would like to think that we are above such cruelty, yet as The Lonely Crossing of Juan Cabrera by J. Joaquin Fraxedas recounts the state of Cuba in the 1990’s, we must also remember that all societies and governments view the individual differently as opposed to the whole. Each group has unique expectations that are enforced upon the individual which extend beyond those expectations that are written. What this book brings to light is the extraordinary repercussions of refusing to meet the demands and expectations of those that lead our governments. When we veer from the path well-trodden and into the ‘wild’ as Juan did, we may not face death quite as often, but the possibility of those we once called our own, persecuting us for our choices is a true and often an incredibly frightening danger.
Middle-class protest against the long-standing dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz. Established a radical system in which elections were controlled while a handful of dominant families and their clients monopolized financial and political power in the provinces.1
Christopher Schmidt-Nowara. "Politics and Ideas in Latin American Independence." Latin American Research Review 45, no. 2 (2010): 228-235. http://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed November 14, 2012).