Corruption And Anti-Abortion: The Consequences Of Corruption In Uganda

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Langseth, (1995, p 366), acknowledged that before the colonial era, traditional leaders had the practices of depriving their subjects of their properties in addition to making decisions in favor of a given individual through gifts influences; an indication that corruption is not a new phenomenon in Uganda. The modern governance and institutional frame work were established during the colonial period, which then ushered in the political frame work that empowered Ugandan to gain independence in 1962. Legislative and parliamentary institutions and electoral procedures came to play and from the time of independence, to early 70s, Uganda showed a strong economic performance with an annual growth in actual GDP of six percent annually. However,…show more content…
For about a generation, corruption had practically been a survival strategy for civil servants due to the erosion or irregularity of salary payments. The country had been trapped in a vicious circle of rent-seeking, underdevelopment, political instability and violence. Between 1970 and 1986, most institutions of accountability had been destroyed: The Auditor General and the Public Accounts Committee virtually ceased to exist, and newspapers were banned except one which was government-owned. In addition, society was still fractured and factionalized after years of political instability and civil war. (Langseth, 1995, p 366). In an overview of corruption and anti-corruption in Uganda, studies show that corruption is widespread in the country and seen as one of the greatest obstacles to the country’s economic development as well as to the provision of quality public services. Corruption-related challenges in the country stem from a weak separation between the public and private spheres, leading to extensive clientelistic practices and patronage, as well as widespread political…show more content…
This paper exploits such data from a recently implemented survey of private enterprises in Uganda. There are three main findings presented in the paper. First, and not very surprisingly, we find that firms typically have to pay bribes when dealing with public officials whose actions directly affect the firms’ business operations. Such dealings cannot easily be avoided when, for example, exporting, importing, or requiring public infrastructure services. The data reveal that more than 80 percent of the firms need to pay bribes during a typical business year. Second, we show that the amount paid could partly be explained by firm-specific characteristics, such as the firm’s current and expected future profits and the reversibility of the firm’s capital

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