Chicanoism Today
For a more symbolic meaning of the word Chicano/a, to many of us it is the mixture of both American and Mexican culture. It had become a political term for those who wanted to find a more specific word to identify themselves with than Hispanic, a word to classify all who spoke Spanish in America from Latin America. In the 60s the word Chicano/a grew strong with many political Mexican-American’s and used it as a source of pride. Today, the older generation of Chicano/as’, some but many, see young Chicano/as’ as those who live in the past or use the pasts’ struggle to reflect on their own lives and go no where to empower their society. For the most part I disagree, I understand and I am grateful for what the older Chicano/as’ have done historical for us newer generations of Chicano/as’ but I resent that I’m labeled as a “wannabe”. In the definition of what it is to be the newer race of Chicano/as’ I will have to interpret it from what the past has led us to be now.
In many historical moments of the 60s, you could find many racial groups emerging for their rights to liberation from oppression. The Chicano/a movement was certainly one you couldn’t miss in the books. Organizations like the United Farm Workers or the Brown Berets, as well as protests and rallies such as, pro-Affirmative Action, helped in glorifying the meaning of Chicano/a power. It made many Mexican-Americans proud and not alone in a country that didn’t want them there. Yet with such an upraising in praise and pride for this new identity, the movement declined gradually throughout decades to come. Not much political activism had gone on but the word Chicano/a carried on but not in the sense that the Chicano/as of the 60s intended it to be. It would become an identity to those born in America of Mexican parents.
By this time around, now in the 90s, I could have the choice on any application to indicate, optionally, what ethnicity I am. It was either Latino/other, or Mexican/Mexican-American/Chicano. With my parents consent of what I was, I’d proudly pick the box that had Chicano beside it. I grew up proud being Chicana because my dad always had pride in what he was, Mexican. Now, as I write/say this, it isn’t pride so much but honor. I honor being Chicana for what the past Chicano/as’ have done to be recognized but now, I honor what the newer Chicano/as’ will do for themselves and society.
This is critical for the readers to know the show the bias, injustice, and premeditated ignorance of the United States educational system. It also demonstrates that Chicano Studies is not important regardless of the Hispanic population in this supposed “free” country. It seems as if the Chicano Studies was made only to fail by keeping it under funded and understaffed. By doing so, it has an affect on keeping away good scholars to maintain the historical development of Hispanics in the United States as well as its own history.
This book was published in 1981 with an immense elaboration of media hype. This is a story of a young Mexican American who felt disgusted of being pointed out as a minority and was unhappy with affirmative action programs although he had gained advantages from them. He acknowledged the gap that was created between him and his parents as the penalty immigrants ought to pay to develop and grow into American culture. And he confessed that he got bewildered to see other Hispanic teachers and students determined to preserve their ethnicity and traditions by asking for such issues to be dealt with as departments of Chicano studies and minority literature classes. A lot of critics criticized him as a defector of his heritage, but there are a few who believed him to be a sober vote in opposition to the political intemperance of the 1960s and 1970s.
In the early 1960’s, the Civil Rights Movement was rearing its head amongst ethnicities other than African Americans. The mid-60’s saw the flowering of a movement for legal rights among Mexican-Americans, as well as a new militancy challenging the group’s second-class economic status. The aptly named ‘Chicano’ movement had many similarities to what the ‘Black Power’ movement also advocated. It primarily emphasized pride in both the past and present Mexican culture, but unlike the Black Power movement and SDS, it was also closely linked to labor struggles. The movement itself found one of its leaders in César Estrada Chávez, the son of migrant farm works and disciple of Martin Luther King Jr. César Chávez would become the best-known Latino American civil rights activist through his use of aggressive but nonviolent tactics and his public-relations approach to unionism. In 1965, Chávez led a series of nonviolent protests which included marches, fasts and a national boycott of California grapes. The boycott drew national attention to the pitifully low wages and oppressive working conditions forced upon migrant laborers, and in 1969, Chávez addressed a “Letter from Delano” to agricultural employers, defending his own movement’s aims and tactics.
The 1960s was a time of very unjust treatment for Mexican Americans, but it was also a time for change. Many were starting to lose hope but as Cesar Chavez once said, “si se puede”. The chicano rights movement was a movement that started after World War II when Mexican Americans decided it was time to take back their rights and fight for equality. With many successes there were also some failures, but that did not stop them from fighting back for what they deserved. Chican@s of all ages in the US faced many issues due to their race in which included, but weren’t limited to, unequal education, political power, and working conditions.
Armando Rendon in his landmark 1970 wrote the book I am a Chicano. This book is about how activist in the Chicano movement pointed to an empty monolog of the word Chicano. Chicano means an activist. Chicanos describes themselves it was a form of self-affirmation; it reflected the consciousness that their experiences. Chicanos means, nations, histories, and cultures. This book talks about how Mexican American also used the term of Chicano to describe them, and usually in a lighthearted way, or as a term of endearment. In a text it talks how Chicanos haven’t forgotten their Mexican origins, and how they become a unique community. The book talks about how Mexican American community’s long-suffering history of racism and discrimination, disenfranchisement, and economic exploitation in the United States. The
Latino grassroots politics in the academic realm has been considered as predominantly Chicano in nature. However, the geometry of this academic sector is no longer one dimensional, due to the formation of a Chicana feminist consciousness; the rise of an identified gay community within the Chicana/o student populace; and the emergence of “Latinos” in era of Chicanismo, The abrupt growth of Latinos (e.g. Spanish speaking of Mexican, Central or Latin American decent) in the United State’s educational system led the general population to characterize them as subjects on the cusps of political power and influence. But this widespread depiction of Latinos as an untapped potential is intrinsically linked to an impression of civic cohesion within the Latino student population. Although there is a correspondence between these parties in terms of the alienation they have felt and the discrimination they have endured throughout their academic careers, there is a minimal collective effort in confronting against their oppressive status. This is mainly a result of conflicting ideologies and social agendas within the Latino student community, as well as the relegation of Hispanic subgroups into the lower echelons. Latino students, nevertheless, have demonstrated their capacity, when both Chicanos and the marginalized Hispanic subgroups join efforts to reach a communal objective. This debunks the historical notion that Chicano students are the only group of Hispanics in the academic sphere that have been actively challenging the processes of social exclusion, and also displays the capacity of a collaborative effort.
...nce the first National Chicano / Latino Conference on Immigration and Public Policy in October of 1977. The conference was sparked by then President Jimmy Carter’s immigration reform legislation which imposed legal sanctions against habitual employers of illegal aliens, and extended legal amnesty to hundreds of thousands of undocumented aliens in the United States. This somehow began to open the eyes and ears of Mexican Americans, or Chicanos, to the problems involved with Mexican immigrants and their treatment in the United States. Since the unification of these groups and their ideas by the late 1970’s, there has been no turning back for these groups. The efforts of contemporary Chicanos and Latinos for the equal rights of Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants have continued to grow stronger together, and have begun to encompass a broader range of issues.
Imagine seeing 10,000 of your classmates walking out of your school because they wanted a better education - a better way of life. In the 1960s’ Chicano students were being “pushed out”(Esparza) of school or being pushed towards vocational programs. East L.A was home to schools were “one out of every four Chicano’s completed high school”(Esparza). Instructors and the school board alike did not have an interest in helping Chicanos finish school to become someone other than a laborer and was expected of them to keep being a laborer. In “Taking Back the Schools”, Sal Castro a high school counselor claims, “I think the bottom line is the lack of concern of the teachers towards the kids and whether the kids were really getting an education or not...the reality set in that the teachers weren’t really concern for the kids.”(Esparza).
Cavin, Aaron. "Blowout! Sal Castro & The Chicano Struggle For Educational Justice."Journal Of American Ethnic History 34.2 (2015): 127-128. America: History & Life. Web. 12 Sept. 2016.
The 1960s Chicano movement had a lot to do with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1846-1848 that was the result of the Mexican war ending, Mexico ceded land to the United states and American ensured that Mexican landowners would keep their
Latinos have struggled to discover their place inside of a white America for too many years. Past stereotypes and across racism they have fought to belong. Still America is unwilling to open her arms to them. Instead she demands assimilation. With her pot full of stew she asks, "What flavor will you add to this brew?" Some question, some rebel, and others climb in. I argue that it is not the Latino who willingly agreed to partake in this stew. It is America who forced her ideals upon them through mass media and stale history. However her effort has failed, for they have refused to melt.
Although our society is slowly developing a more accepting attitude toward differences, several minority groups continue to suffer from cultural oppression. In her essay “How to Tame a Wild Tongue,” Gloria Anzaldúa explores the challenges encountered by these groups. She especially focuses on her people, the Chicanos, and describes the difficulties she faced because of her cultural background. She argues that for many years, the dominant American culture has silenced their language. By forcing them to speak English and attempting to get rid of their accents, the Americans have robbed the Chicanos of their identity. She also addresses the issue of low self-esteem that arises from this process of acculturation. Growing up in the United States,
Cultural value orientations are the, “basic and core beliefs of a culture; that have to deal with one’s relationship with one another and the world” (McCarty & Hattwick, 1992). All cultures may encounter challenges with the media and society of how their beliefs and values are represented. There are several factors that resemble how cultural values influence a culture, more specifically the Hispanic culture in Yuma, AZ. Some of those factors are, the expression of their individual and collective identity through communication, cultures identity expressed though the mass media channels, examples of the value orientations that influence the groups communications behaviors, and one of the major events that challenged Hispanics identities.
Cinco de Mayo is usually confused with Mexican Independence day but that day is when Mexico fought French invaders. During 1910, Mexico revolted against its repressive rulers and adapted its new constitution. They came up with the term for those who were told in Mexico they weren’t Mexican and in America who weren’t American. They wanted to belong to both. While the Civil Rights movement is mostly known to give African-American rights but, Chicanos also fought for their rights. The term Chicano first became accepted during the Chicano Movement. Thus, Chicanos have many things to be proud of. Their Aztec ancestors were intelligent people who built a city on water and made all Chicanos royalty. Along with their Mexican ancestors won two revolutions and won against the huge French army. Trinidad Sanchez Jr., a poet, wrote about Chicano pride in his poem, “Why Am I so Brown?” Sanchez wrote the poem in order to call attention to that all should be proud of their skin color. His poem talks about Chicanos having honor in their skin color by using imagery, metaphors, and
Chicanos have faced inequalities in segregation of school, unequal treatment of school officials and the ban of ethnic classrooms. They did not accept being walked over without a fight. There was many victories and loses that provide changes in the education system but not all have been resolved. Their struggle in education will continue and to ensure the changes are being met, we must provide the equipment such as facilities, teachers, programs; supports of family, teachers and educators; and provide the funding need to improve the education resources.