Hernando Valencia Villa es un jurista Colombiano graduado como Doctor en Ciencias Jurídicas de la Universidad de Yale. Allí comenzó con un largo camino en su carrera profesional obteniendo títulos como experto en Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y los Conflictos Armados, también obtuvo el título de experto en Justicia Penal Internacional y Justicia Transicional.
A nivel nacional fue fundador y miembro de la Asamblea de la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas, ha ocupado cargos jurídicos en instituciones internacionales como la OEA y la UNESCO sin dejar de lado la vocación de docente siéndolo en diferentes universidades.
Con motivo de obtener su doctorado, en el año 1987 nos presenta en su Tesis Doctoral Cartas de Batalla: Una crítica del Constitucionalismo Colombiano. Allí nos muestra el proceso constitucional interno, es decir, la formación del Estado en el siglo XIX, de una forma cronológica y con herramientas históricas y jurídicas analizándolo desde una posición llena de epistemología crítica evitando empirismos y basándose en lo intelectual y lo legal.
A pesar de todo este formalismo investigativo, Valencia pretendió pasar más allá de un balance histórico y una reflexión filosófica, a una crítica estructurada. Esta crítica busca solucionar la incógnita sobre cómo se presentó y formó el debate Constitucional en Colombia y cuáles son las características reales y no formales del constitucionalismo colombiano. También le interesa la verdad de afirmaciones como “la nación es el país más estable en términos constitucionales de América latina” y formar teorías alternativas del derecho en el país, replanteando la visión de Colombia para guiarla a una función de “ingeniería política”, como diría Valencia, a la ve...
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... especialistas y también para todos los colombianos que buscan acercarse a lo fundamental del país y descubrir la realidad oculta tras la tradición constituyente ya que este libro ayuda a analizar desde los múltiples contextos donde se presenta tanto orden y violencia, las múltiples reformas que han tenido las dieciséis constituciones en la historia de Colombia imprescindible para comprender las bases históricas de las enmiendas más actuales y su influencia en el aspecto político colombiano que se vive día a día.
“Construir el Estado antes de la Nación y sin la nación, y luego extraer la nación del Estado. Esto, a su vez, debía hacerse a través del discurso normativo, de acuerdo al legado de Santander.” – Hernando Valencia Villa p.171
Works Cited
Hernando Valencia Villa. Catedrático http://www.jcortazar.udg.mx/es/catedratico/hernando-valencia-villa
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
which makes us think a deeper meaning of the question which people are more civilized or barbarian than others.
Through the study of the Peruvian society using articles like “The “Problem of the Indian...” and the Problem of the Land” by Jose Carlos Mariátegui and the Peruvian film La Boca del Lobo directed by Francisco Lombardi, it is learned that the identity of Peru is expressed through the Spanish descendants that live in cities or urban areas of Peru. In his essay, Mariátegui expresses that the creation of modern Peru was due to the tenure system in Peru and its Indigenous population. With the analyzation of La Boca del Lobo we will describe the native identity in Peru due to the Spanish treatment of Indians, power in the tenure system of Peru, the Indian Problem expressed by Mariátegui, and the implementation of Benedict Andersons “Imagined Communities”.
Time and rules have been transforming countries in many ways; especially, in the 1850’s and the 1920’s, when liberals were firmly in control across Latin American region. Liberalism can be defined as a dominant political philosophy in which almost every Latin American country was affected. A sense of progress over tradition, reason over faith, and free market over government control. Although each country was different, all liberals pursued similar policies. They emphasize on legal equality for all citizens, progress, free trade, anti-slavery, and removing power from church. Liberals declared promising changes for Latin American’s future. But Latin America had a stronger hierarchical society with more labor systems, nothing compare to the United States societies. Liberals weren’t good for Latin America. What I mean by “good” is the creation of a turning point or some type of contribution towards success. I define “good” as beneficial or helpful. The Latin American economy was stagnant between 1820 and 1850 because of independence wars, transportation and the recreation of facilities. I describe this era as, “the era when Latin America when off road”.
While caning is mandatory in cases of vandalism, rape and weapons offenses, it is also prescribed for immigration violations such as overstaying visas and hiring of illegal workers” (Reyes 182). By informing the reader of this, the author gives an example of how harsh the government’s laws are. Reyes states, “At dawn on May 13, six Malaysians were hanged for drug trafficking, bringing to seventeen the number executed for such offenses so far this year, ten more than the total number of prisoners executed in all of 1993” (Reyes 181). This gives an exact count of the offenses and the number of people hanged for their crimes, which informs the reader and allows them to form an accurate opinion on the topic.
As see and discussed last week, the film Presunto Culpable translated to Presumed Guilty presented its viewers the harsh reality of the criminal justice system in Mexico as compared to the system used in the United States. The title itself captures the difficulty with this system. There the defendant is automatically presumed to be guilty at the moment of custody, and that presumption affects the way crimes are investigated and criminal charges are adjudicated. This affects the style of police investigation as see in the documentary, making them care less as long as they produce someone to give the charge too. Here it does not need to be supported by a legit evidence test of the evidence gathered by the police such as forensics, eye-witness
The historian Ronn Pineo wrote “Beginning in the 1980s nearly all of Latin America began to take part in a great experiment, the adoption of capitalist free market economic policies.” This great experiment began with the promotion of democracy and free market that promised a better future for Latin America. Neoliberalism, the economic ideology that promotes free-market capitalism, laid the foundation for many of the US military interventions and economic policies that caused a dramatic transformation of Latin America. This promise of a “democratic” government came from a policy initiative labeled as polyarchy. Polyarchy is “ a system in which a small group governs and mass participation in decision making is limited to choosing leaders in elections that are carefully managed by competing elites” (Lecture: Polyarchy and Resistance).
Colombian citizens experience and live through the good and bad things Pablo does, when Americans only hear about the negative actions Escobar commits. Hearing versus seeing plays a vital role in the difference of perspectives between the Colombians and Americans. In the United States, only hearing about Pablo Escobar leads to confusion among different people as “For what, exactly, isn’t easy to understand without knowing Colombia and his life and times” (15). American civilians not knowing personally know why they hate Escobar reflects poorly on the United States. The media does not inform the general public about all the great and generous things Escobar accomplishes for Colombia, and only publishes the stories of his cartel killing innocent people. From the perspective of Colombians, they only know Escobar as a hero of Colombia as “At his death, Pablo was mourned by thousands. Crowds rioted when his casket was carried into the streets of his home city of Medellin” (15). Colombians create a national mourning day for Escobar after his death, when the Americans celebrate their success in killing him. This represents the difference in opinion of Escobar between the two countries. Pablo made promises and he conqueres them; he said he would end poverty as he provided education and housing to the poorest people inside of Colombia. On the other hand,
Republic of Colombia Constitutional Court, Sentence # c-239/97, Ref. Expedient # D-1490, May 20, 1997.
The documentary, South of the Border, informs its viewers about the conflict between South American leaders and the institutions of the United States, mainly the government and media. The events shown and narrated through the film may be interpreted with the use of sociological theories, which is the main purpose of this film analysis. This paper aims to explain the causes of the realities presented through concepts and theories from the field of Sociology.
Andre, Claire, and Manuel Velasquez. “Capital Punishment.” Our Duty or Our Doom. 12 May 2010. 30 May 2010 .
As the Latin American nations set out to construct a new government and society in the 1800´s, two opposing models aroused regarding which one would best benefit the countries. ¨Civilization vs. Barbarism¨ by Domingo Sarmiento, a recognized Argentinean revolutionary, contrasts Jose Marti´s ¨Our America¨ ideology which critiques U.S. capitalism and focuses on developing a good government based on the needs of the nations and each nation´s autochthony. Contrastingly, Sarmiento, guided by his beliefs in democratic principles, declares his preference towards the European urbanized way of life as the key to progress and stability for the nations. Despite the differences in the models proposed by Marti and Sarmiento for the New Nations to follow,
Sandra Cisneros's writing style in the novel The House on Mango Street transcends two genres, poetry and the short story. The novel is written in a series of poetic vignettes that make it easy to read. These distinguishing attributes are combined to create the backbone of Cisneros's unique style and structure.
Fast track to the 1800’s when we see many problems result from important happenings such as the peninsular war, which occurred from 1807-1814, the Spanish American wars of independence where Spain lost a significant amount of its colonies in the Americas in early 19th century. But lastly three Carlist wars that dated from 1832 all the way to 1876 had effect a new interpretation of Spain’...
Much G. L., 2004, Democratic Politics in Latin America: New Debates and Research Frontiers, Annual Reviews