When James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay drafted the Federalist Papers to persuade the state of New York to ratify the newly drafted United States Constitution, they could never have envisioned the controversy that the political theory of Federalism would generate, and the subsequent evolution of federalism that would follow. The Framers of the Constitution never planned for the federal government to be directly involved with the general welfare of people living within the United States beyond ensuring for a national defense and the creation of a national economy (Wills, 1982). As debatable as this issue was in 1787 and 1788, the subject is still controversial today, and has spawned political factions that have called for a return to those Constitutional fundamentals grounded in federalism. In his introduction for the Federalist Papers, Wills (1982) defined federalism as a basic political tenet of the United States Constitution which recognized that the post-Revolutionary colonies could best be governed by a mix of local and central government decision-making. Today, states are called upon to address issues of social welfare such as abortion, gay marriage and public housing; yet, federal agencies and federal dollars are caught in the political crosshairs for legislative resolution to these issues. This essay will examine this evolution of Federalism and discuss the significance of it, as it relates to the current state of intergovernmental relations for public agencies involved in housing.
The rise of Urban America began in the mid 1800’s with the dawn of the industrial revolution. With it came a rapid increase in the population of cities. This movement towards cities did not last forever, and after WWII, much of the population of cities moved to the suburbs. With the growth and decline of urban environments, and the growth of suburban environments, there has become a mixture of different types of local governments, some of which overlap the same geographical areas. Some view this hodgepodge as a problem, and have offered various solutions. To understand the different types of local governments and how they overlap, one must first understand the development of urban areas, and the movement from urban to suburban areas.
A Democratic Party long ruled by moderates and conservatives succeeded in stunting what seemed like the natural growth of a successful Republican Party until the 1990s. Since then, various forces have contributed to the growth of the Republicans, and in the end, to an altering of the core membership of each party. Most recently, the state has seen the development of a dominant Republican Party that doesn't yet hold quite the dominion the Democrats enjoyed through most of the twentieth century. The Republican Party has certainly benefited from the defection of former Democrats, the arrival of Republicans and independents from out of state, and organizational difficulties in the Democratic Party. Thus, Republican officials dominate state government, and Democrats find themselves reduced, for the present, to the status of an embattled minority party seeking to recreate themselves among their voting and financial constituencies. This is showing that the newfound Republican dominance can be the beginning of a new strong party system, or if we are in a state of transition in which the terms of political competition are still in change. If it is a new party system, I don’t think it will be very durable or last too long for that matter. Now, it seems that Republican dominance of state government will
The opposing argument serves as a perfect gateway to the topic of relationship between Federal and State government. In the United States, the Supremacy Clause serves...
Our country was founded on the basis of small government federalism. Characterized by traditional constitutional federalism, it was sustained for 140 years by a narrow judicial and political interpretation of federal domestic power. The shared presumption was that the states and localities had sufficient regulatory and fiscal power to meet the nation's modest domestic demands except in well-defined and limited circumstances. Small government federalism survived the national crises of the Civil War and World War I. But it disappeared under the political imperative to increase economic security for all Americans in the wake of the Great Depression. A new and broader interpretation of the federal government's constitutional power led to big government federalism, which appears here to stay.
Schmidt, Steffen, Mack Shelley, II II, and Barbara Bardes. American Government and Politics Today, 2010-2011. Mason, OH: Wadsworth Pub Co, 2010. 91-113. Print.
Like a child beginning kindergarten, the government was just starting out, just beginning to explore new areas. The states were accustomed to their independence and their individual constitutions. The imposition of a federal government, although not entirely unwelcome, was at best uncomfortable. The Marshall Court was forced to reconcile the desire for state autonomy with the need for federal government. Marshall himself demonstrated the embodiment of this conflict as he was required to balance his personal Hamiltonian belief in a strong national government with the degree of federalism he thought the states could abide.
From the birth of our Republic, Federalists and Antifederalist debated the nature of democracy and representation. One argument involved competing views of “communities of interest” and the nature of representation. Federalists desired a strong national government ruled by the political elite. Leaders should be isolated from the public and focus on making broad decisions at the national level. Antifederalists favor promotion of local interests through likeminded congressional representation. Government should be as close to the people as possible and representatives’ actions should be based on their constituent’s wishes. Political compromises were reached as demonstrated in the constitution and subsequent composition of congress. The debate concerning the nature of democracy and representation continues today, reflected in the differing and competing goals of redistricting, in part due to the vague nature and wording within the constitution. Both Federalist and Antifederalist views are reflected in modern politics however American politics has consistently moved towards an Antifederalist ideology since the decline in power of political parties.
Bardes, Barbara A., Steffen W. Schmidt, and Mack C. Shelley. American Government and Politics Today. Belmont: West Wadsworth, 1997.
Debates over how the division of powers between the states and federal government should be handled have been predominant from the very beginning. The founders understood that this decision would have an enduring influence on the types of policies implemented along with how the impact would be felt by the citizens. This would all be dependent on if the laws were coming from Washing D.C. or the state capitals (Barbour and Wright, 78). In light of this the founders established the United States government based on a fair division of powers between Federal and State governments as highlighted in the constitution and tenth amendment. However, in the past few years I believe the country has shifted towards giving more power to the federal government. In this paper I argue that despite the current transition towards a strong centralized government a balanced system based on the federalism intended by founders is the best option for the distribution of power.
Yet, It has only been in very recent years that we have seen a trend moving in the direction of Municipal fiscal autonomy. The trend towards Municipal fiscal autonomy is possibly more prevalent today then it has ever been. The proposal of such things as Glen Murray’s New Deal for Winnipeg, and Paul Martin’s proposed change in federal-provincial-municipal relations (of the same name), provides optimism for local fiscal autonomy in the future.
The way power is dispersed is important because even though all offices derive some power from the people, there exists room for appointment and selection by our elected officials. I am particularly intrigued with Madison’s distinction between the National and the Federal. The given description of the constitution, with regards to its founding, draws upon the central argument that the citizens make up states, from which, authority is derived. Specifically, we are n...
In his book, Independent Cities, Robert J. Waste describes the major problems that cities are facing and how these are exacerbated by the lack of voice that American city’s have on the political stage. He states that cities have lack of representation in congress and the presidency, which often prevents their issues from receiving national attention. Waste describes failed federal policies that have attempted more top-down approaches and he also comments on state policy methods and their more successful bottom-up focus. In order to successfully eradicate the permanent crises that are tormenting entire regions, national, state and local level governments in conjunction with the citizenry need to work together to fuel a cultural transformation where urban issues are confronted rather than disregarded.
Politics in America was never simply a question of whether one was a democrat or republican; instead it is a question of loyalty; more exactly to it has been a to whom or to what group is one loyal to at a particular time and given a particular set of circumstances. This quandary offers an excellent opportunity for the American government and administrative structures to reconstruct them by using theories of cooperative federalism. An example, of an official attempting to remake the political scheme in America is President Barak Obama’s sweeping policy changes, specifically in regards to regulating how Washington works. First, the volatility of power as it relates to cooperative federalism specifically how that power is gained, kept, or lost shall be explored herein. Moreover, the power of the American government is presumed to radiate upward from the populate instead of from those appointed and elected officials downward. Those officials exist merely to accomplish the functions of governance and administration. However, the title of “public servant which many politicians e...
A core argument supporting political decentralization is related to the concept of public participation, which again includes local responsiveness and allocative efficiency. A politically decentralized system is thus considered to ensure a higher degree of democracy and representation, translating the multiplicity of public interests into policy-decisions. However, studies discovered that weak formal structures may limit the effect of public participation reflecting on local representative decision-making (Abelson et al., 1995). Another main element concerns the possible range of incentives among different governmental levels. Cremer et al. (1996) suggests the appropriate degree of decentralization to be determined by incentives, more explicitly by which level of government expresses the most incentive to reach a certain outcome. Still, it is questioned whether the local governments’ priorities always match the incentives of the central level. While decentralization might promote some equity aspects, it might simultaneously threaten the principle of equality among local regions due to the differences in level of education, health services provided or tax rates. Moreover, the argument of democracy and representation is questioned as low turnouts at local elections and dissatisfaction with local governments reduce the